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^ubltcattons of tfjc prince i^octetp.

THE NEW

ENGLISH CANAAN.

THE

Publications of ti)e prince g>ocietp.

Ertabliflied May 25th, 1858.

THE NEW

ENGLISH CANAAN.

Boston:

PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY,

By John Wilson and Son.

1883.

TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES.

THE

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN

THOMAS MORTON.

WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Jr.

Boston:

PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

1883.

v%OA»SlO|.|b

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1883, by

The Prince Society,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

lEtutor :

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Jr.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Page
Preface v-vi

Thomas Morton of Merry-Mount 1-98

Bibliography of New English Canaan 99-I°5

New English Canaan 106-345

Book I. The Origin of the Natives ; their Manners and

Cufloms 115-78

Book II. A Defcription of the Beauty of the Country . . 179-242

Book III. A Defcription of the People 243-345

Table of Contents of the New English Canaan .... 347-9

Officers of the Prince Society 353

The Prince Society, 1883 354-8

Publications of the Prince Society 359

Volumes in Preparation by the Prince Society .... 360

Index 361-81

PREFACE.

EFORE undertaking the prefent work I had no expe-
rience as an editor. It is unneceffary for me to fay,
therefore, that, were I now to undertake it, I fliould
purfue a fomewhat different courfe from that which
I have purfued. The New Englifli Canaan is, in many
refpects, a lingular book. One of its moft fingular features is the
extent of ground it covers. Not only is it full of obfcure refer-
ences to incidents in early New England hiftory, but it deals directly
with the aborigines, the trees, animals, fifh, birds and geology of
the region ; befides having conftant incidental allufions to literature,
— both claffic and of the author's time, — to geography, and to then
current events. No one perfon can poffefs the knowledge neceffary
to thoroughly cover fo large a field. To edit properly he muft have
recourfe to fpecialifts.

It was only as the labor of inveftigation increafed on my hands
that I realized what a wealth of fcientific and fpecial knowledge was
to be reached, in the neighborhood of Bofton, by any one engaged in
fuch multifarious inquiry. Were I again to enter upon it I mould
confine my own labors chiefly to correfpondence ; for on every point
which comes up there is fome one now in this vicinity, if he can only
be found out, who has made a ftudy of it, and has more information

than the moft laborious and fkilful of editors can acquire.

vi Preface.

In this edition of the New Canaan I have not laid fo many of
thefe fpecialifts as I now wifh, under requifition ; and yet the lift is
a tolerably extenfive one. In every cafe, alfo, the affiftance alked for
has been rendered as of courfe, in the true fcientific fpirit. My cor-
refpondence has included Meffrs. Deane, Winfor and Ellis on events
in early New England hiftory ; Profeffor Whitney on geographical
allufions ; Profeffors Lane and Greenough, Dr. Everett and Mr. T.
W. Higginfon, on references to the Greek and Latin claffics, or quo-
tations from them ; and the Rev. Mr. Norton on Scriptural allufions.
Mr. J. C. Gray has hunted up for me legal precedents five centuries
old, and Mr. Lindfay Swift has explained archaic expreffions, to the
meaning of which I could get no clew. On the fubje6t of trees and
herbs I called on Profeffors Gray and Sargent ; in regard to birds,
Mr. William Brewfter was indefatigable ; Mr. Allen, though in very
poor health, took the chapter on animals ; Profeffor Shaler difpofed
of the geology ; Meffrs. Agafliz and Lyman inftructed me as to filh,
and Profeffor Putnam as to ihell-heaps. I met fome allufions to
early French and other explorers, and naturally had recourfe to
Meffrs. Parkman and Slafter ; while in regard to Indian words and
names, I have been in conftant correfpondence with the one author-
ity, Mr. J. Hammond Trumbull, who has recognized to the fulleft
extent the public obligation which a maftery of a fpecial fubjecl:
impofes on him who mafters it.

In clofing a pleafant editorial tafk, my chief regret, therefore, is
that the notes in this volume contain fo much matter of my own.
They mould have been even more eclectic than they are, and each
from the higheft poffible authority on the fubjecl; to which it
relates.

C. F. A., Jr.

Ouincy, Mass., April 4, 1883.

MORTON OF MERRY- MOUNT.

N the fecond book of his hiflory of Plymouth
Plantation, Governor Bradford, while dealing
with the events of the year 1628 though writing
at a dill later period, fays : —

" Aboute fome three or four years before this time, ther came over one
Captaine Wolaflone (a man of pretie parts) , and with him three or four more
of fome eminencie, who brought with them a great many fervants, with pro-
vifions and other implaments for to begine a plantation ; and pitched them-
felves in a place within the Maffachufets, which they called, after their
Captains name, Mount-Wollafton. Amongft whom was one Mr. Morton,
who, it fhould feeme, had fome fmall adventure (of his owne or other mens)
amongft them." x

There is no other known record of Wollafton than that
contained in this paffage of Bradford.2 His given name

even

thirty men and near all ftarved," whom
Smith encountered in 1615, while a cap-
tive in the hands of the French free-
booters. Though it has found a place
in biographical dictionaries on account
of two eminent men of one family from
Staffordfhire who bore it, the name of

Wollafton

1 Bradford, pp. 235-6.

2 A Captain Wollifton is mentioned
by Smith (Defcription of New England,
III. Mafs. Ffift. Coll., vol. vi. p. 136) as
the lieutenant of "one Captain Barra,
an Englifh pirate, in a fmall fhip, with
fome twelve pieces of ordnance, about

2 Thomas Morton

even is not mentioned. It may be furmifed with tolerable
certainty that he was one of the numerous traders, generally
from Briftol or the Weft of England, who frequented the
hilling grounds and the adjacent American coaft during the
early years of the feventeenth century. Nothing is actually
known of him, however, until in 1625 he appeared in Maffa-
chufetts Bay, as Bofton Harbor was then called, at the head
of the expedition which Bradford mentions.

His purpofe and that of his "companions was to eftablifh
a plantation and trading-pott in the country of the Mafia-
chufetts tribe of Indians. It was the third attempt of the
kind which had been made fince the fettlement at Plym-
outh, a little more than four years before. The firft of thefe
attempts had been that of Thomas Wefton at Weffaguffet,
or Weymouth, in the fummer of 1622. This had refulted
in a complete failure, the ftory of which is told by Bradford
and Window, and forms one of the more ftriking pages in
the annals of early New England. The fecond attempt,
and that which next preceded Wollafton's, had clofely fol-
lowed the firft, being made in the fummer of 1623, under
the immediate direction of the Council for New England.
At the head of it was Captain Robert Gorges, a younger
fon of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Wefton's expedition was a

mere

Wollafton is rarely met with. It is not Wollifton, therefore, whom Smith fell

found, for inftance, in the prefent di- in with in 1615 may have been, and

rectories of either Bofton or New York, probably was, the fame who ten years

and but twice in that of Philadelphia, later gave his name to the hill on

It has been given to iflands in both the Quincy Bay. It is not likely that two

Arctic and the Antarctic oceans, but Captain Wollaftons were fea-adventur-

the family to which it belonged feems ers at the fame time. That it actually

to have originated in an inland Englifh was the fame man is, however, matter

county. (Lower's Patronymica Britan- of pure furmife.
nica). The Captain, or Lieutenant,

Of Merry -Mount 3

mere trading venture, having little connection with anything
which went before or which came after. That of Gorges,
however, was fomething more. As will prefently be feen,
it had a diftincl: political and religious fignificance.

Robert Gorges and his party arrived in Bofton Bay in
1623, during what is now the latter part of September.
They eftablifhed themfelves in the buildings which had
been occupied by Wefton's people during the previous win-
ter, and which had been deferted by them a few days lefs
than fix months before. The fite of thofe buildings cannot
be definitely fixed. It is fuppofed to have been on Phillips
Creek, a fmall tidal inlet of the Weymouth fore-river, a fhort
diftance above the Quincy-Point bridge. The grant made
to Robert Gorges by the Council for New England, and
upon which he probably intended to place his party, was on
the other fide of the bay, covering ten miles of fea-front and
ftretching thirty miles into the interior. It was fubfe-
quently pronounced void by the lawyers on the ground of
being " loofe and uncertain," but as nearly as can now be
fixed it covered the fhore between Nahant and the mouth
of the Charles, and the region back of that as far weft as
Concord and Sudbury, including Lynn and the molt thickly
inhabited portions of the prefent county of Middlefex.

Reaching New England, however, late in the feafon,
Gorges's firft anxiety was to fecure fhelter for his party
againft the impending winter, for the frofts had already
begun. Fortunately the few favages thereabouts had been
warned by Governor Bradford not to injure the Weffa-
guffet buildings, and thus they afforded a welcome fhelter
to the newcomers. Thefe were people of a very different

clafs

4 Thomas Morton

clafs from thofe who had preceded them. Among them
were men of education, and fome of them were married
and had brought their wives. Their fettlement proved a
permanent one. Robert Gorges, it is true, the next fpring
returned to England difgufted and difcouraged, taking back
with him a portion of his followers. Others of them
went on to Virginia in fearch of a milder climate and a
more fertile foil. A few, however, remained at Weffa-
guffet,1 and are repeatedly referred to by Morton in the
New Canaan"1 as his neighbors at that place.

When, therefore, Wollafton failed into the bay in the
early fummer of 1625, its mores were not wholly unoccu-
pied. His party confifted of himfelf and fome three or
four partners, with thirty or more fervants, as they were
called, or men who had fold their time for a period of years
to an employer, and who flood in the relation to him of
apprentice to matter. Rafdall, according to Bradford, was
the name of one of the partners, and Fitcher would feem to
have been that of another. Thomas Morton, the author of
the New EngliJJi Canaan, was a third.

Not much more is known of Morton's life prior to his
coming to America than of Wollafton's. He had certainly
an education of that fort which was imparted in the fchools
of the Elizabethan period, for he had a fmattering knowl-
edge of tlie more familiar Latin authors at leaft, and was fond
of claffic allufion. Governor Dudley, in his letter to the
Countefs of Lincoln, fays that while in England he was an
attorney in " the weft countries."3 He further intimates that

1 Bradford, p. 154. 8 Young's Chron. of Mafs., p. 321.

2 Infra, *44, * 124- 127, *I38.

Of Merry-Mount. 5

he had there been implicated in fome foul mifdemeanor, on
account of which warrants were out againft him. Nathaniel
Morton in his Memorial1 fays that the crime thus referred
to was the killing of a partner concerned with him, Thomas
Morton, in his firft New England venture. Thomas Wig-
gin, however, writing in 1632 to Sir John Cooke, one of
* King Charles's fecretaries for foreign affairs and a member
of the Privy Council, ftates, upon the authority of Morton's
" wife's fbnne and others," that he had fled to New England
" upon a foule fufpition of murther." 2 While, therefore, it
would feem' that grave charges were in general circulation
againft Morton, connecting him with fome deed of violence,
it is neceffary to bear in mind that confiderable allowance
muft be made before any accufation againft him can be ac-
cepted on the word of either the Maffachufetts or the Ply-
mouth authorities, or thofe in fympathy with them. Yet
Morton was a recklefs man, and he lived in a time when
no great degree of fanclity attached to human life ; fo that
in itfelf there is nothing very improbable in this charge.
It is poffible that before coming to America he may have
put fome one out of the way. Neverthelefs, as will pref-
ently be feen, though he was fubfequently arrefted and in
jail in England, the accufation never took any formal fhape.
That he was at fome time married would appear from the
letter of Wiggin already referred to, and the allufions in the
New Canaan fhow that he had been a man paffionately fond
of field fports, and a good deal of a traveller as well. He
fpeaks, for inftance, of having been " bred in fo genious a

way "

1 N. E. Memorial, p. 160. 2 ill. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. viii. p. 323.

6 Thomas Morton

way " that in England he had the common ufe of hawks in
fowling; and, in another place, he alludes to his having been
fo near the equator that " I have had the fun for my zenith." 1
On the titlepage of his book he defcribes himfelf as " of
Cliffords Inne gent," which of courfe he would not have ven-
tured to do had he not really been what he there claimed to
be ; for at the time the New Canaan was publifhed he was
living in London and apparently one of the attorneys of the
Council for New England.2 Bradford, fpeaking from mem-
ory, fell into an error, therefore, when he defcribed him as
a "kind of petie-fogger of Furnefells Inne."3 That in
1625 he was a man of fome means is evident from the facl
that he owned an intereft in the Wollafton venture ; though
here again Bradford takes pains to fay that the fhare he
reprefented ("of his owne or other mens") was fmall, and
that he himfelf had fo little refpect amongft the reft that he
was flighted by even the meanefl: fervants.

In all probability this was not Morton's firft vifit to Maffa-
chufetts Bay. Indeed, he was comparatively familiar with it,
having already paffed one feafon on its fhores. His own flate-
ment, at the beginning of the firft chapter of the fecond book
of the Canaan, feems to be conclufive on this point. He there
fays: " In the month of June, Anno Salutis 1622, it was my
chance to arrive in the parts of New England with thirty fer-
vants, and provifion of all forts fit for a plantation ; and, while
our houfes were building, I did endeavor to take a furvey of
the country." 4 There was but one fhip which arrived in New

England

1 Infra, *I3, *ji, 343, note. 3 Bradford, p. 236.

2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401, n. 4 Infra, *iy, 130, note 2, *$g.

Of Merry-Mount 7

England in June, 1622, and that was the Charity z1 and the
Charity brought out Wefton's party, which fettled at Wef-
faguffet, anfwering in every refpect to Morton's defcrip-
tion of the party he came with. Andrew Wefton, a younger
brother of the chief promoter of the enterprife, had then
come in charge of it, and is defcribed as having been " a
heady yong man and violente." 2 After leaving Wefton's
company at Plymouth, the Charity went on to Virginia,
but returned from there early in October, going it would
feem directly to Bofton Bay and Weffaguffet.8 One part
of the colonifts had then been there three months, and
it was during thofe three months that Morton apparently
took the furvey of the country to which he refers. As the
Weffaguffet plantation was now left under the charge of
Richard Greene, it would feem that young Wefton went back
to England in the Charity, and the inference is that Morton,
who had come out as his companion, went back with him.

In any event, the impreffion produced on Morton by this
firft vifit to New England was a ftrong and favorable one. It
looked to him a land of plenty, a veritable New Canaan.
Accordingly, he gave vent to his enthufiafm in the warm
language of the firft chapter of his fecond book.4 With
the fubfequent fate of Wefton's party he feems to have had
no connection. He muft at the time have heard of it, and
was doubtlefs aware of the evil reputation that company left
behind. This would perfectly account for the fact that he
never mentions his having himfelf had anything to do with

it.

1 Bradford, p. 118. s Young's Chron. of PL, p. 299.

2 Bradford, p. 120. 4 Infra, *6o.

8 Thomas Morton

it. Yet it may be furmifed that he returned to England
poffeffed with the idea of connecting himfelf with fome
enterprife, either Wefton's or another, organized to make a
fettlement on the fhores of Boflon Bay and there to open
a trade in furs. He had then had no experience of a New
England winter; though, for that matter, when he after-
wards had repeated experiences of it, they in no way changed
his views of the country. To the laft, apparently, he thought
of it as he firft faw it during the fummer and early autumn
of 1622, when it was a green frefh wildernefs, nearly devoid
of inhabitants and literally alive with game.

News of the utter failure of Wefton's enterprife muft have
reached London in the early fummer of 1623. Whether
Morton was in any way perfonally affected thereby does not
appear, though from his allufions to Wefton's treatment
by Robert Gorges at Plymouth, during the winter of 1623-4,
it is not at all improbable that he was.1 During the follow-
ing year (1624) he is not heard of; but early in 1625 he had
evidently fucceeded in effecting fome fort of a combination
which refulted in the Wollafton expedition.

The partners in this enterprife would feem to have been
the mereft adventurers. So far as can be afcertained, they
did not even trouble themfelves to take out a patent for the
land on which they propofed to fettle,2 in this refpect fliow-
ing themfelves even more carelefs than Wefton.3 With the
exception of Morton, they apparently had no practical
knowledge of the country, and their defign clearly was to

eftablifh

1 Infra, *i 13— 1 18. however, writing to Lord Clarendon in

2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 397. the year 1661, afferts that Morton had
8 Lowell Injl. Leftures of Mafs. Hid. a patent. Coll. N. V. Hiji. Soc. 1869,

Soc. 1869, p. 147. Samuel Maverick, p. 40.

Of Merry-Mount 9

eftablifli themfelves wherever they might think good, and
to trade in fuch way as they faw fit.

When the party reached its deftination in Maffachufetts
Bay, they found Weffaguffet ftill occupied by fuch as were
left of Robert Gorges's company, who had then been there
nearly two years. They had neceffarily, therefore, to eftablifli
themfelves elfewhere. A couple of miles or fo north of Wef-
faguffet, on the other fide of the Monatoquit, and within the
limits of what is now the town of Quincy, was a place called
by the Indians Paffonageffit. The two localities were fepa-
rated from each other not only by the river, which here
widens out into a tidal efluary, but by a broad bafin which
filled and emptied with every tide, while around it were
extenfive fait marflies interfered by many creeks. The up-
land, too, was interfperfed with tangled fwamps lying be-
tween gravel ridges. At Paffonageffit the new-comers ef-
tablilhed themfelves, and the place is ftill known as Mount
Wollafton.

In almoft all refpecls Paffonageffit was for their purpofe
a better locality than Weffaguffet. They had come there
to trade. However it may have been with the others, in
Morton's calculations at leaft the plantation muft have been
a mere incident to the more profitable dealing in peltry.
A prominent pofition on the fhore, in plain view of the
entrance to the bay, would be with him an important con-
fideration. This was found at Paffonageffit. It was a fpa-
cious upland rifing gently from the beach and, a quarter of
a mile or fo from it, fwelling into a low hill.1 It was not

connected

1 Palfrey (vol. i. p. 222) fpeaks of it as from where Morton's houfe flood to the
"a bluff." This is an error. The flope water is very gradual.

Thomas Morton

connected with the interior by any navigable ftream, but
Indians coming from thence would eafily find their way to
it; and, while a portion of the company could always be
there ready to trade, others of them might make excurfions
to all points on the neighboring coaft where furs were to be

Mount Wollaston.1

had. Looking feaward, on the left of the hill was a confid-
erable tidal creek ; in front of it, acrofs a clear expanfe of
water a couple of miles or fo in width, lay the iflands of the
harbor in apparently connected fucceffion. Though the an-
choring grounds among thefe iflands afforded perfect places

1 This View of Mount Wollaflon is
taken from Rev. Dr. William P. Lunt's
Two Difcourfes on Occafton of the Two
Hundredth Anniverfary of the Gather-
ing of the Firfl Congregational Church,
Quincy, (p. 37). It reprefents the place
very accurately as it appeared in 1.S40,
and as it is fuppofed to have appeared
from the time of the firfl fettlement until
recently. The fingle tree was a lofty red-

cedar, which muft have been there when
Wollafton landed, as it was a large tree
of a long-lived fpecies, and died from age
about 1850. The trunk is ftill (1882)
{landing; and, though all the bark has
dropped off, it meafures fome 66 inches
in circumference. The central part of
the above cut, including the tree, has
been adopted as a feal for the town of
Quincy, with the motto " Manet."

Of Merry-Mount. 1 1

of refuge for veffels, Paffonageffit itfelf, as the fettlers there
muft foon have realized, labored, as a trading-point, under
one ferious difadvantage. There was no deep water near
it. Except when the tide was at leaft half full, the fhore
could be approached only in boats. On the other hand, fo
far as planting was concerned, the conditions were favorable.
The foil, though light, was very good ; and the fpot, lying
as it did clofe to " the Maffachufetts fields," had fome years
before been cleared of trees by the Sachem Chickatawbut,
who had made his home there.1 He had, however, aban-
doned it at the time when the great peftilence fwept away
his tribe, and tradition ftill points out a fmall favin-covered
hummock, near Squantum, on the fouth fide of the Nepon-
fet, as his fubfequent dwelling-place. Morton fays that
Chickatawbut's mother was buried at Paffonageffit, and
that the Plymouth people, on one of their vifits, incurred his
enmity by defpoiling her grave of its bear fkins.2 So far as
the natives were concerned, however, any fettlers on the
fhores of Bofton Bay,. after the year 1623, had little caufe
for difquietude. They were a thoroughly crufhed and bro-
ken-fpirited race. The peftilence had left only a few hun-
dred of the whole Maffachufetts tribe, and in 1631 Chicka-
tawbut had but fome fifty or fixty followers.3 It was a dying
race ; and what little courage the peftilence had left them
was effectually and forever crufhed out by Miles Standifh,
when at Weffaguffet, in April, 1623, he put to death feven
of the ftrongeft and boldeft of their few remaining men.

Having

1 Young's Chron. of Mafs., p. 395. 8 Young's Chron. of Mafs., p. 305.

2 Infra, *5i, 106.

12 Thomas Morton

Having felecled a fite, Wollafton and his party built their
houfe nearly in the centre of the fummit of the hill, on
a gentle wefterly Hope. It commanded towards the north
and eafl an unbroken view of the bay and all the entrances
to it; while on the oppofite or landward fide, fome four or
five miles away, rofe the heavily-wooded Blue Hills. Acrofs
the bay to the north lay Shawmut, beyond the intervening
peninfulas of Squantum and Mattapan. Weffaguffet was to
the fouth, acrofs the marfhes and creeks, and hidden from
view by foreft and uplands.

During their firft feafon, the fummer of 1625, Wollafton's
party muft have been fully occupied in the work of building
their houfes and laying out their plantation. The winter
followed. A fmgle experience of a winter on that fhore
feems to have fufficed for Captain Wollafton, as it had
before fufficed for Captain Gorges. He apparently came to
the conclufion that there was little profit and no fatisfaction
for him in that region. Accordingly, during the early months
of 1626, he determined to go elfewhere. The only account of
what now enfued is that contained in Bradford ; for Morton
nowhere makes a fingle allufion to Wollafton or any of his
affociates, nor does he give any account of the origin, com-
pofition or purpofes of the Wollafton enterprifeo His filence
on all thefe points is, indeed, one of the Angular features
in the New Canaan. Such references as he does make are
always to Wefton and Wefton's attempt ; 5 and he feems to
take pains to confound that attempt with Wollafton's. Once
only he mentions the number of the party with which he

landed,

1 Infra, *i 15-18.

Of Merry-Mount 1 3

landed,1 and the fact that it was fubfequently diffolved ; 2 but
how it came to be diffolved he does not explain. The in-
ference from this is unavoidable. Morton was free enough
in talking of what he did and faw at Paffonageffit, of his
revels there, of how he was arretted, and perfecuted out of
the country. That he fays not a word of Wollafton or his
other partners muff be due to the fact that the fubject was
one about which he did not care to commit himfelf. Never-
thelefs Bradford could not but have known the facts, for not
only at a later day was Morton himfelf for long periods of
time at Plymouth, but when the events of which he fpeaks
occurred Bradford muff have been informed of them by the
Weffaguffet people, as well as by Fitcher. As we only
know what Bradford tells us, it can beft be given in his own
words : —

" Having continued there fome time, and not finding things to anfwer their
expectations, nor profit to arife as they looked for, Captain Wollafton takes a
great part of the fervants and tranfports them to Virginia, where he puts them
off at good rates, felling their time to other men ; and writes back to one Mr.
Rafdall, one of his chief partners and accounted their merchant, to bring an-
other part of them to Virginia likewife ; intending to put them off there, as he
had done the reft. And he, with the confent of the faid Rafdall, appointed
one Fitcher to be his Lieutenant, and govern the remains of the plantation till
he, or Rafdall, returned to take further order thereabout. But this Morton,
abovefaid, having more craft than honefty, in the others' abfence watches an
opportunity, (commons being but hard amongft them,) and got fome ftrong
drink and other junkets, and made them a feaft ; and after they were merry,
he began to tell them he would give them good counfel. ' You fee,' faith he,
' that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia ; and if you ftay till this
Rafdall returns, you will alfo be carried away and fold for flaves with the

reft.

1 Infra, *59. 2 Infra, *H4.

Thomas Morton

reft. Therefore, I would advife you to thrufl out this Lieutenant Fitcher ;
and I, having a part in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and
confociates. So may you be free from fervice ; and we will converfe, trade,
plant and live together as equals, and fupport and protect one another : ' or
to like effect. This counfel was eafily received; fo they took opportunity
and thruft Lieutenant Fitcher out a-doors, and would fuffer him to come no
more amongft them ; but forced him to feek bread to eat, and other relief,
from his neighbors, till he could get paffage for England." 1

Wollafton's procefs of depletion to Virginia had reduced
the number of fervants at Paffonageffit from thirty or thirty-
five, as Morton varioully flates it,2 to fix at moft.3 It was as
the head of thefe that Morton eftablifhed himfelf in con-
trol at Merry-Mount, as he called the place,4 fometime, it

would

1 Bradford, pp. 236-7.

2 Infra, *io3, *ii7.

3 Infra, *i4i-o.

4 Morton uniformly fpeaks of the place
as Ma-re-Mount, and John Adams on
this point commented in his notes as
follows : — " The Fathers of Plymouth,
Dorchefter, Charleftown, &c, I fuppofe
would not allow the name to be Ma-re-
Mount, but infifted upon calling it Mer-
ry-Mount, for the fame reafon that the
common people in England will not call
gentlemen's ornamental grounds gar-
dens, but infift upon calling them pleaf-
ure-grounds, i. e., to excite envy and
make them unpopular."

Ma-re-Mount, however, was a charac-
teriftic bit of Latin punning on Morton's
part, defigned to teafe his more auftere
neighbors. He himfelf fays (infra,
*I32) : " The inhabitants of Paflbnageffit,
having tranflated the name of their hab-
itation from that ancient falvage name
to Ma-re-Mount . . . the precife fepe-
ratifts that lived at New Plimmouth
flood at defiance with the place threat-

ening to make it a woefull mount and
not a merry mount." (Infra, *I34-) In
view of the fituation of the place, Ma-re-
Mount was a very appropriate name, but
it may well be queftioned whether it
was ever fo called by any human being
befides Morton, or by him except in
print. Bradford calls it Merie-mounte.
(p. 237.) The expreffion ufed by Mor-
ton, that they " tranflated the name"
from Paflbnageffit to Ma-re-Mount,
would naturally fuggeft that the Indian
name might find its equivalent in the
Latin one, and mean Amply "a hill by
the fea." On this point, however, J.
Hammond Trumbull writes : "Morton's
' Paflbnageffit ' has been a puzzle to me
every time it has caught my eye fince
I fir ft marked it twenty years ago or
more with double (??). Morton, as he
fhows in chap. ii. of book I., could not
write the moft fimple Indian word with-
out a blunder. What may have been
the name he makes ' Paflbnageffit ' we
cannot guefs, unlefs it furvives in
fome early record. There is no trace of

' fea,'

Of Merry-Mount. 1 5

would feem, in the fummer of 1626. He had now two dif-
tincl objects in view : one was enjoyment, the other was
profit ; and apparently he was quite recklefs as to the meth-
ods he purfued in fecuring either the one or the other. If
he was troubled by his former partners appearing to affert
their rights, as he probably was, no mention is made of it.
There were no courts to appeal to in America, and thoie of
Europe were far away ; nor would it have been eafy or
inexpenfive to enforce their procefs in New England. Ac-
cordingly nothing more is heard of Wollafton or Rafdall,
though Bradford does fay that Morton was " vehemently
fufpecled for the murder of a man that had adventured
moneys with him when he firft came."1 There is a vague
tradition, referred to John Adams, that Wollafton was fub-
fequently loft at fea ; 2 but as a full century muffc have
elapfed between the occurrence of the event and the birth of
John Adams, this tradition is quite as unreliable as tradi-
tions ufually are.

Paffionately fond of field fports, Morton found ample op-
portunity for the indulgence of his taftes in New England
He loved to ramble through the woods with his clog and
gun, or fail in his boat on the bay. The Indians, too, were his
allies, and naturally enough ; .for not only did he offer them
an open and eafy-going market for their furs, but he was

companionable

I fea,' or 'water,' or 'mount' in it. If well to the locality. Mount Wollafton

it ftands for Pafco-naig-ef-it, it means is a part of the neck which connects

'at [a place] near the little point,' but the peninfulas locally known in Ouincy

I know fo little of the local topography as Germantown and Hough's Neck with

that I hefitate to fuggeft this interpreta- the mainland.

tion." The rendering here fugsrefted by ' Bradford, p. 253.

Dr. Trumbull does apply fufficiently 2 Whitney's Hijl of Quhicy, p. 18.

Thomas Morton

companionable with them. They fhared in his revels. He
denies that he was in the habit of felling them fpirits,1 but
where fpirits were as freely ufed as Morton's account mows
they were at Merry-Mount, the Indians undoubtedly had
their fhare. Nor were his relations confined to the Indian
men. The period of Elizabeth and James I. was one of
probably as much fexual incontinency as any in Englifh
hiftory. Some of the earlier writers on the New England
Indians have fpoken of the modefty of the women, —
Wood, in his Pro/peel, for inftance, and Joffelyn, in the
fecond of his Two Voyages? Morton, however, is fignifi-

cantly

1 Infra, *55.

2 Joffelyn fays of the " Indeffes," as
he calls them, " All of them are of a
mocleft demeanor, confidering their fav-
age breeding ; and indeed do fhame our
EnglifJi rufticks whofe rudenefs in many
things exceedeth theirs." {Two Voya-
ges,^. 12,45.) When the Maffachu-
fets Indian women, in September, 162 1,
fold the furs from their backs to the firft
party of explorers from Plymouth, Winf-
low, who wrote the account of that ex-
pedition, fays that they "tied boughs
about them, but with great fhamefaced-
nefs, for indeed they are more modeft
than fome of our Englifh women are."
{Motirt, p. 59.) See alfo, to the fame
effecl, Wood's Profpecl, (p. 82.) It fug-
gefts, indeed, a curious inquiry as to
what were the cuftoms among the ruder
claffes of the Britifh females during the
Elizabethan period, when all the writers
agree in fpeaking of the Indian women
in this way. Roger Williams, for in-
ftance, referring to their clothing, fays:
"Both men and women within doores,
leave off their beafts fkin, or Englifh
cloth, and fo (excepting their little apron)
are wholly naked ; yet but few of the

women but will keepe their fkin or cloth
(though loofe) neare to them, ready to
gather it up about them. Cuftome hath
ufed their minds and bodies to it, and in
fuch a freedom from any wantonneffe
that I have never seen that wantonneffe
amongft them as, (with griefe) I have
heard of in Europe." {Key, pp. 1 10-1 1.)
And he adds, " More particular:

" Many thoufand proper Men and Women,
I have feen met in one place :
Almoft all naked, yet not one

Thought want of clothes difgrace."

In Parkman's Jefuits in North Amer-
ica (ch. iv.) there is a very graphic ac-
count of the miffionary Le Jeune's expe-
rience among the Algonquins, in which
he defcribes the interior of the wigwam
on a winter's evening. " Heated to fuf-
focation, the forcerer, in the clofeft pof-
fible approach to nudity, lay on his back,
with his right knee planted upright and
his left leg croffed on it, difcourfing vol-
ubly to the company, who, on their part,
littened in poftures fcarcely lefs remote
from decency." Le Jeune fays, " Les
filles et les jeunes femmes font a l'exte-
rieur tres honneltement couvertes, mais

entre

Of Merry-Mount 1 7

cantly filent on this point, and the idea of female chaftity in
the Indian mind, in the rare cafes where it exifted at all,
feems to have been of the vaguell poffible defcription.1
Morton was not a man likely to be faftidious, and his refer-
ence to the " laffes in beaver coats " 2 is fuggeftive. Merry-
Mount was unqueftionably, fo far as temperance and morality
were concerned, by no means a commendable place.3

Morton's inclination to boifterous revelry culminated at
laft in that proceeding which fcandalized the Plymouth eld-
ers and has paffed into hiftory. In the fpring of 1627 he
erected the May-pole of Merry-Mount. To erect thefe poles
feems at that time to have been a regular Englifh obferv-
ance, which even the fifhermen on the coaft did not neglect.
When, for inftance, the forerunners of Wefton's colony at
Weffaguffet reached the Damarifcove Iflands, in the fpring
of 1622, the firft thing they faw was a May-pole, which the
men belonging to the fhips there had newly fet up, "and
weare very mery." 4 There is no room for queftion that in
England, during the fixteenth and feventeenth centuries,

May-day

entre elles leurs difcours font puants, Judging by an incident mentioned by

comme des cloaques ; " and Parkman Morton, however, adultery does not

adds, " The focial manners of remote feem to have been looked upon as a

tribes of the prefent time correfpond very grave offenfe among the Indians of

perfectly with Le Jeune's account of the vicinity in which he lived, {Infra,

thole of the Montagnais." See alfo *32.) On the general fubjecl: of morality

Voyages of Champlain, Prince Soc, among young Indian women, efpecially

vol. iii. pp. 168-70. in the vicinity of trading-pofts, fee Park-

1 Parkman fays that "chaftity in wo- man's Jefnits in North America (pp.

men was recognized as a virtue by many xxxiv, xlii) and the letter from Father

tribes." (Jefcits in A'orth America, Carheil to the Intendant Champigny, in

p. xxxiv.) Of the New England Indi- The Old Regime in Canada (p. 427)-
ans Williams remarks, — "Single for- 2 hifra, *I35-

nications they count no fin, but after 3 I. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. in. p. 62.
marriage then they count it heinous for 4 iv. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. iv. p. 478.
either of them to be falfe." {Key, p. 138.)

J8 Thomas Morton

May-day feftivities were affociated with a great deal of
licenfe. They were fo affociated in the minds of Governor
Bradford and his fellows. Chriftmas was at leaft a Chrif-
tian feftivity. Not fo May-day. That was diftinclly Pagan
in its origin. It reprefented all there was left of the Satur-
nalia and the worfhip of the Roman courtefan. May-day
and May-day feftivities, accordingly, were things to be alto-
gether reformed. They were by no means the innocent,
grateful welcoming of fpring which modern admirers of the
so-called good old times — which, in point of fa<5t, were very
grofs and brutal times — are wont to picture to themfelves.
" I have heard it credibly reported," wrote Stubbes in his
Anatomy of Abufes, "(and that viva voce) by men of great
gravitie, credite and reputation, that of fourtie, three score, or
a hundred maides goyng to the woode over night [a-Maying],
there have fcarcely the thirde parte of them returned home
againe undefiled. " 1 All this it is neceffary to now bear in
mind, left what Bradford wrote down in his hiflory of Mor-
ton's doings mould feem grotefque. He was fpeaking of
what reprefented in his memory a period of uncleannefs, a
fort of carnival of the fexes.

Morton's own account of the feftivities at Merry-Mount
on the May-day of 1627, which came on what would now be
the nth of the month, will be found in the fourteenth chap-
ter of the third book of the Canaan} It does not need to
be repeated here. Bradford's account was very different :

" They allfo fet up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many days
togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their conforts, dancing and frifking

togither,

1 Hazlitt's Popular Antiquities of fubjec~t, Strutt s Sports and Paftimes,
Great Britain, p. 121. See alfo on this p. 352. 2 Infra, * 132-7.

Of Merry-Mount. 1 9

togither, (like fo many fairies, or furies rather,) and worfe practifes. As if
they had anew revived and celebrated the feafts of the Roman Goddes Flora,
or the beafly pra<5tiefes of the madd Bacchanalians. Morton likvvife (to fhew
his poetrie,) compofed fundry rimes and verfes, fome tending to lafcivioufnes,
and others to the detraction and fcandall of fome perfons, which he affixed to
this idle or idoll May-polle." 1

Morton's verfes can be found in their proper place in
the New Canaan, but the principal charge now to be made
againft them is their incomprehenfibility. Judged even by
the ftandard of the prefent day, much more by that of the
day when they were written, they are not open to criticifm
becaufe of their " lafcivioufnes." They are decent enough,
though very bad and very dull. As to the " detraction and
fcandall of fome perfons," alleged againft them, — if indeed
they contained anything of the fort, — it was fo very care-
fully concealed that no one could eafily have underftood
it then, and Morton's own efforts at explanation fail to make
it intelligible now.

The feftivities around the May-pole were, however, but
Morton's amufements. Had he confined himfelf to thefe he
might, fo far as the people at Plymouth at leaft were con-
cerned, to the end of his life have lived on the mores of Bof-
ton Bay, and erected a new pole with each recurring fpring.
The only refinance he would have had to overcome would
have been a remonftrance now and then, hardly lefs comical
than it was earneft. The bufmefs methods he purfued were
a more ferious matter. He had come to New England to
make money, as well as to enjoy the licenfe of a frontier
life. He was fully alive to the profits of the peltry trade,

and

1 Bradford, p. 237.

20 Thomas Morto7i

and in carrying on that trade he was retrained by no
fcruples. The furs of courfe came from the interior,
brought by Indians. In his dealings with the Indians
Morton adopted a policy natural enough for one of his
recklefs nature, but which imperilled the exiftence of every
European on the coaft. The two things the favages moft
coveted were fpirits and guns, — fire-water and fire-arms.
Beads and knives and hatchets and colored cloth ferved very
well to truck with at firft. But thefe very foon loft their
attraction. Guns and rum never did. For thefe the Indians
would at any time give whatever they poffeffed. The trade
in fire-arms had already attained fome proportions when, in
1622, it was ftriclly forbidden by a proclamation of King
James, iffued at the inftance of the Council for New England.
The companion trade in fpirits, lefs dangerous to the whites
but more deftruclive to the favages, was looked upon as
fcandalous, but it was not prohibited. Morton cared equally
little for either law or morals. He had come to New Eng-
land for furs, and he meant to get them.

" Hearing what gain the French and fifhermen made by trading of pieces,
powder and fhot to the Indians, he, as the head of this confortfhip, began
the practice of the fame in thefe parts. And firft he taught them how to ufe
them, to charge and difcharge, and what proportion of powder to give the
piece, according to the fize and bignefs of the fame ; and what fhot to ufe
for fowl and what for deer. And having thus inftructed them, he employed
fome of them to hunt and fowl for him, fo as they became far more active in
that employment than any of the Englifh, by reafon of their fwiftnefs of foot
and nimblenefs of body ; being alfo quick fighted, and by continual exercife
well knowing the haunts of all forts of game. So as when they faw the exe-
cution that a piece would do, and the benefit that might come by the fame,
they became mad, as it were, after them, and would not ftick to give any

price

Of Merry-Mount 2 1

price they could attain to for them ; accounting their bows and arrows but
bawbles in companion of them." 1

This was Bradford's ftory, nor does Morton deny it. That
he would have denied it if he could is apparent. The prac-
tices complained of were forbidden by a royal proclama-
tion, iffued at the inftance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. In his
fpeech in defence of the great patent, before the Houfe of
Commons in Committee of the Whole, in 1621, Gorges had
emphatically dwelt on the fale of arms and ammunition to
the favages as an abuie then praclifed, which threatened the
extinction of the New England fettlements.2 Fifteen years
later, when he wrote the New Canaan, Morton was a de-
pendent of Gorges. The fact that he had dealt in fire-arms,
in contemptuous defiance of the proclamation, was openly
charged againft him. He did deny that he had fold the
favages fpirits. Thefe, he faid, were the life of trade ; the
Indians would " pawn their wits " for them, but thefe he
would never let them have. In the matter of fire-arms, how-
ever, he preferved a difcreet and fignificant filence. He
made no more allufion to them than he did to Wollafton or
his partners at Merry-Mount.

In the whole record of the early Plymouth fettlement,
from the firft fkirmifh with the Cape Cod favages, in Decem-
ber, 1620, to the Weffaguffet killing, there is no mention of
a gun being feen in an Indian's hands. On the contrary,
the favages flood in mortal terror of fire-arms. But now at
laft it feemed as if Morton was about not only to put guns

in their hands, but to inftrucl them in their ufe.

" This

1 Bradford, p. 238. See alfo note 202 in Trumbull's ed. of

2 in. Mnfs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi., p. 70. Lechford's Plaine Dealing, p. 117.

22 Thomas Morton

" This Morton," fays Bradford, " having thus taught them the ufe of pieces,
he fold them all he could fpare ; and he and his conforts determined to fend
for many out of England, and had by fome of the mips fent for above a fcore.
The which being known, and his neighbors meeting the Indians in the woods
armed with guns in this fort, it was a terror unto them, who lived flraglingly,
and were of no ftrength in any place. And other places (though more re-
mote) faw this mifchief would quickly fpread over all, if not prevented.
Befides, they faw they mould keep no fervants, for Morton would entertain
any, how vile foever, and all the fcum of the country, or any difcontents,
would flock to him from all places, if this neft was not broken ; and they
fhould ftand in more fear of their lives and goods (in fhort time) from this
wicked and debauched crew than from the favages themfelves." 1

Thus, in the only branches of trade the country then
afforded, Morton was not only preffing all the other fettlers
hard, but he was preffing them in an unfair way. If the
favages could exchange their furs for guns, they would not
exchange them for anything elfe. Thofe not prepared to
give guns might withdraw from the market. The bufmefs,
too, conducted in this way, was a moft profitable one. Mor-
ton fays that in the courfe of five years one of his fervants
was thought to have accumulated, in the trade in beaver
fkins, no lefs than a thoufand pounds;2 and a thoufand
pounds in 1635 was more than the equivalent of ten thou-
fand now. This ftatement was undoubtedly an exaggera-
tion ; yet it is evident that at even ten fhillings a pound in
England, which Morton gives as the current price, though
Bradford fays he never knew it lefs than fourteen, beaver
fkins, which coft little or nothing in America, yielded a large
profit. As Morton expreffed it, his plantation " beganne to
come forward."3 When, in 1625, the Plymouth people

found

1 Bradford, p. 240. 2 Infra, *78, 218, ;/. 8 Infra, *i37-

Of Merry- Mount 23

found their way up into Maine,1 and firft opened a trade
with the favages there, Morton was not flow in following
them. In 1628 they eftablifhed a permanent ftation on the
Kennebec,2 yet apparently as early at leaft as 1627, if not in
1626, Morton had foreftalled them there, and hindered them
of a feafon's furs.3

The injury done to the other fettlers in a trading point of
view, however, ferious as it unqueflionably was, became in-
fignificant in comparifon with the confequences which muft
refult to them from the prefence on the coaft of fuch a refort
as Merry-Mount. The region was vaft, and in it there was
no pretence of any government. It was the yearly rendezvous
of a rough and lawlefs clafs of men, only one ftep removed
from freebooters, who cared for nothing except immediate
gain. Once let fuch a gathering-place as that of which
Morton was now head become fixed and known, and foon it
would develop into a nefl of pirates. Of this there could be
no doubt; the Plymouth people had good caufe for the
alarm which Bradford expreffed. It mattered not whether
Morton realized the confequences of what he was doing, or
failed to realize them ; the refult would be the fame.

It gradually, therefore, became apparent to all thofe dwell-
ing along the coaft, from the borders of Maine to Cape Cod,
that either the growing nuifance at Merry-Mount muft be
abated, or they would have to leave the country. The courfe
to be purfued in regard to it was, however, not equally clear.
The number of the fettlements alone the coaft had confider-
ably increafed fince Wollafton's arrival.4 The Hiltons and

David

1 Bradford, p. 204. 3 Infra *I49-

2 lb. p. 233. * Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 83.

24 Thomas Morton

David Thomfon had eftablifhed themfelves at Dover Neck
and Pifcataqua as early as 1623; and fometime in 1625
apparently, Thomfon, bringing with him his young wife and
a fervant or two, had moved down into Bofton Bay, and
eftablifhed himfelf, only a mile or two away from Mount
Wollafton, on the ifland which ftill bears his name. He
had died a little while after, and in 1628 his widow was
living there alone, with one child and fome fervants. In
1625 or 1626 the Weffaguffet fettlement had divided.
Thofe of Gorges's following who remained there had never
been wholly fatisfied. It was no place for trade. Accord-
ingly Blackftone, Maverick and Walford, the two laft being
married and taking their wives with them, had moved acrofs
the bay, and eftablifhed themfelves refpeclively at Shawmut
or Bofton, at Noddle's Ifland or Eaft Bofton, and at Mifha-
wum or Charleftown. Jeffreys, Burfley and fome others had
remained at Weffaguffet, and were Morton's neighbors at
that place, whom he fays he was in the cuftom of vifiting
from time to time, " to have the benefit of company." 1 At
Hull, already known by that name,2 there were the Grays and
a few other fettlers. Thefe had been joined by Lyford and
Oldham and their friends, when the latter were expelled from
Plymouth in the fpring of 1625 ; but the next year, finding
the place probably an uninviting one, Lyford had croffed
over to Cape Ann, and thence a year later paffed on to
Virginia. Oldham ftill remained at Nantafket.

Such were thofe neighbors of Morton, the chiefs of the
ftraggling plantations, referred to by Bradford as being of

"no

1 Infra, *I24- 2 Infra, *i8i.

Of Merry-Mount 2 5

"no ftrength in any place." Together they may poffibly
have numbered from "fifty to an hundred fouls. The Plym-
outh fettlement was, comparatively fpeaking, organized and
numerous, confuting as it did of fome two hundred perfons,
dwelling in about forty houfes, which were protected by a
ftockade of nearly half a mile in length. Neverthelefs even
there, by the fummer of 1627, the alarm at the increafe of
fire-arms in the hands of the favages began to be very great.
They had fpread " both north and fouth all the land over," 1
and it was computed that the favages now poffeffed at leaft
fixty pieces. One trader alone, it was reported, had fold
them a fcore of guns and an hundred weight of ammunition.
Bradford thus takes up the ftory : —

" So fundry of the chiefs of the draggling plantations, meeting together,
agreed by mutual confent, to folicit thofe of Plymouth, (who were then of
more ftrength than them all,) to join with them to prevent the further growth
of this mifchief, and fupprefs Morton and his conforts before they grew to
further head and ftrength. Thofe that joined in this action, (and after con-
tributed to the charge of fending him to England,) were from Pifcataqua,
Naumkeag, Winnifimmet, Weffaguffet, Nantafket, and other places where any
Englifh were feated. Thofe of Plymouth being thus fought to by their mef-
fengers and letters, and weighing both their reafons and the common danger,
were willing to afford them their help, though themfelves had leaft caufe of
fear or hurt. So, to be fhort, they firft refolved jointly to write to him, and,
in a friendly and neighborly way, to admonifh him to forbear thefe courfes ;
and fent a meffenger with their letters to bring his anfwer. But he was fo
high as he fcorned all advice, and afked — Who had to do with him ? — he had
and would trade pieces with the Indians in defpite of all : with many other
fcurrilous terms full of difdain.

" They fent to him a fecond time, and bade him be better advifed, and

more temperate in his terms, for the country could not bear the injury he did ;

it
1 1. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. in, pp. 63, 64.

26 Thomas Morton

it was againft their common fafety, and againft the King's proclamation. He
anfwered in high terms, as before ; and that the King's proclamation was no
law : demanding, what penalty was upon it ? It was anfwered, more than he
could bear, his Majefty's difpleafure. But infolently he perfifted, and faid
the King was dead, and his difpleafure with him ; and many the like things ;
and threatened, withal, that if any came to moleft him, let them look to them-
felves ; for he would prepare for them." 1

However it may have been with the pofition he took as a
matter of public policy, Morton at leaft fhowed himTelf in
this difpute better verfed in the law of England than thofe
who admonifhed him. On the firft of the two points made
by him he was clearly right. King James's proclamation was
not law. This had been definitely decided more than fifteen
years before, when in 1610, in a cafe referred to all the
judges, Lord Coke, in reporting their decifion, had ftated
on his own authority that " the King cannot create any
offence, by his prohibition or proclamation, which was not
an offence before, for that was to change the law, and to
make an offence, which was not ; for ubi non eft lex, ibi non
eft tranfgrejjio ; ergo, that which cannot be punifhed with-
out proclamation cannot be punifhed with it." 2

In regard to the fecond point made by Morton, that the
King's proclamation died with him, the fame diftinclion
between ftatutes and proclamations, that the former were of
perpetual obligation until repealed and that the latter loft
their force on the demife of the crown, — this diftinclion was,
a century and a half later, ftated by Hume3 to have exifted
in James's time. Lord Chief Juftice Campbell has, how-
ever,

1 Bradford, p. 241. 8 Hijl. of England (Edition of Har-

'J xii. Coke, p. 75. per Bros.) vol. iv. p. 280.

Of Merry-Mount 2 7

ever, exclaimed againft the ftatement as a difplay of igno-
rant " audacity," and declares that he was unable to find
in the authorities a trace of any fuch doctrine.1 On this
point, therefore, the law of Thomas Morton was probably as
bad as that of David Hume. Neverthelefs the paffage in
Bradford affords a curious bit of evidence that fome fuch
diftinction as that drawn by Hume, though it may not have
got into the books, did exift in both the legal and the public
mind of the firft half of the feventeenth century.

Whether Morton's law on the fubje6t of proclamations
was or was not found mattered little however. It was not
then to be debated, as the queftion with the fettlers was one
of felf-prefervation. The Plymouth magistrates had gone
too far to flop. If they even hefitated, now, there was an
end to all order in New England. Morton would not be
flow to realize that he had faced them down, and his info-
lence would in future know no bounds.

" So they mutually refolved to proceed, and obtained of the Governor of
Plymouth to fend Captain Standifh, and fome other aid with him, to take
Morton by force. The which accordingly was done ; but they found him to
ftand ftiffly in his defence, having made faft his doors, armed his conforts,
fet divers difhes of powder and bullets ready on the table ; and, if they had
not been over armed with drink, more hurt might have been done. They
fummoned him to yield, but he kept his houfe, and they could get nothing
but feoffs and fcorns from him ; but at length, fearing they would do fome
violence to the houfe, he and fome of his crew came out, but not to yield,
but to moot. But diey were fo fteeled with drink as their pieces were too
heavy for them ; himfelf, with a carbine (overcharged and almoft half filled
with powder and (hot, as was after found) had thought to have fhot Captain

Standifh ;

1 Lives of the Chief Juftices, vol. i.p. lamations," in Difraeli's Curiofities of
283. See alfo a paper on " Royal Proc- Literature (ed. 1863), vol. iii., p. 371.

28 Thomas Morton

Standifh ; but he flept to him, and put by his piece and took him. Neither
was there any hurt done to any of either fide, fave that one was fo drunk that
he ran his own nofe upon the point of a fword that one held before him as
he entered the houfe ; but he loft but a little of his hot blood." 1

Morton's own account of " this outragious riot," as he
calls it, is contained in the fifteenth chapter of the third
book of the New Canaan? It differs confiderably from
Bradford's, but not in effentials. He fays that the occur-
rence took place in June ; and as Bradford's letters of expla-
nation, fent with the prifoner to England, are dated the 9th
of June,3 it muft have been quite early in the month. He
further fays that he was captured in the firft place at Weffa-
guffet, " where by accident they found him ; " but efcaping
thence during the night, through the careleffnefs of thofe
fet on guard over him, he made his way in the midft of a
heavy thunder-ftorm to Mount Wollafton, going up the
Monatoquit until he could crofs it. The whole diflance from
point to point was, for a perfon familiar with the country,
perhaps eight miles. Getting home early the next morn-
ing he made his preparations for refiftance in the way de-
fcribed by Bradford. Of the whole party at Merry-Mount
more than half, four apparently, were then abfent in the
interior getting furs. This fact, indeed, was probably well
known to his neighbors, who had planned the arreft accord-
ingly. Standifh, having eight men with him, followed
Morton round to Mount Wollafton, probably by water, the
morning fucceeding his efcape ; and what enfued feems to
•have been fufficiently well defcribed by Bradford. One at

leaft

1 Bradford, p. 241-2. 8 I. Ma/s, Hijl. Coll., vol. iii. pp. 63-4.

2 Infra, *i37-43-

Of Merry-Mount. 29

leaft of the Merry-Mount garrifon got extremely tipfy before
the attacking party appeared, and Morton, feeing that refin-
ance was hopelefs, furrendered, after in vain trying to make
fome terms for himfelf.

Having been arretted he was at once carried to Plymouth,
and a council was held there to decide upon the difpofition
to be made of him. According to his own account certain
of the magistrates, among whom he fpecially names Stand-
ifli, advocated putting him to death at once, and fo ending
the matter. They were not in favor of fending him to
England. Such a courfe as this was, however, wholly out
of keeping with the character of the Plymouth colony, and
it is tolerably fafe to fay that it was never really propofed.
Morton imagined it ; but he alfo circumftantially afferts that
when milder councils prevailed, and it was decided to fend
him to England, Standifh was fo enraged that he threatened
to fhoot him with his own hand, as he was put into the
boat.1

Either becaufe they did not care to keep him at Ply-
mouth until he could be fent away, or becaufe an outward-
bound flfhing-veffel was more likely at that feafon to be
found at the fiihing-ftations, Morton was almoft immediate-
ly fent to the Ifles of Shoals. He remained there a month ;
and of his experiences during that time he gives a wholly
unintelligible account in the New Canaan? At laft a chance
offered of fending him out in a fifhing-veffel bound to
old Plymouth, England. He went under charge of John
Oldham, who was chofen to reprefent the affociated planters

1 Infra,* 1 50. 2 Infra, *I44, 155.

Thomas Morton

in this matter, and who carried two letters, in the nature of
credentials, prepared by Governor Bradford, the one ad-
dreffed to the Council for New England and the other to
Sir Ferdinando Gorges perfonally.1 In thefe letters Brad-
ford fet forth in detail the nature of the offences charged
againft Morton, and afked that he might be brought " to his
anfwer before thofe whom it may concern." Thefe letters
were figned by the chiefs of the feveral plantations, at whofe
common charge the expenfes of Oldham's miffion, as well
as Standi fh's arreft, were defrayed, and towards this charge
they contributed as follows, though Bradford fays the total
coft was much more : —

From Plymouth,
Naumkeag,
Pifcataqua,
Weffaguffet,
Nantafket,

David Thomfon's widow,
William Blackftone,
Edward Hilton,2

. I

. 2

•

£12

Oldham

1 The letters in full are in Bradford's
Letter-Book, in. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol.
iii. pp. 62-4.

2 The names of neither Maverick nor
Walford appear in tin's lift, though in
his hiftory Bradford efpecially mentions
Winnifimmet (p. 241) as one of the places
the fettlers at which contributed to the
charge. They may, as Savage fuggefts,

{Winthrop, vol. i. p. *43 n.) have been
included with Blackftone, though, con-
fidcring what Maverick's means were,
this does not feem probable. Edward
Hilton lived at Dover, eight miles above
Pifcataqua. (Young's Chron. of Mafs.,
p . 315. Proc. of Mafs. Hifl. Soc. 1875-
6, pp. 362-8.) Mr. Deane fuggefts that
Little Harbor, the place formerly occu-
pied

Of Merry-Mount 3 1

Oldham and Morton reached Plymouth during the later
fummer or early autumn of 1628. They muft, therefore,
have paffed the outward-bound expedition of Endicott, the
forerunners of the great Puritan migration of 1630-7, in
mid-ocean, as on the 6th of September the latter reached
Naumkeag. The grant of the Maffachufetts Company, which
Endicott reprefented, had been regularly obtained from the
Council for New England, and bore date the 19th of March,
1628. It covered the fea-front within the fpace of three
Englifti miles to the northward of the Merrimack and to
the fouthward of the Charles, " or of any and every part of
either of thefe ftreams ; " while it extended " from the At-
lantick and Weftern Sea and Ocean on the Eaft Parte, to
the South Sea on the Weft Parte." It alfo included every-
thing lying within the fpace of three miles to the fouthward
of the fouthernmoft part of Maffachufetts, by which was
meant Bofton Bay.1 It was clear, therefore, that Mount
Wollafton was included in this grant.

Morton's eftablifhment was thus brought within Endicott's
government. Its exiftence and character muft already have
been well known in England, and it is not at all improbable
that its fuppreffion had been there decided upon. Whether
this was fo or not, however, Endicott certainly learned, as
foon as he landed at Naumkeag, of the action which had
been taken three months before. It commended itfelf to
him ; though he doubtlefs regretted that more condign pun-

ifhment

pied by Thomfon, was meant by Pifcat- open to queftion. (Proc. of Mafs. Hiji.

aqua. {lb., 368.) The locality of Burfley Soc. 1878, p. 198.)

and Jeffreys greatly confufed the author- x Hazard, vol. i. p. 243.

ities for a time, but it no longer feems

32 Thomas Morton

ifliment had not been adminiftered to Morton and his crew
on the fpot, and did not delay to take fuch fteps as were
ftill in his power, to make good what in this refpecl had
been lacking. As Bradford fays, " vifiting thofe parts [he]
caufed that May-polle to be cutt downe, and rebuked them
for their profannes, and admonifhed them to looke ther
fhould be better walking ; fo they now, or others, changed
the name of their place againe, and called it Mounte-

" i

Dagon.

Morton and Oldham, meanwhile, were in England. As
Oldham bore letters to Gorges and landed at Plymouth, of
which place the latter then was and for many years had
been the royal governor, there can be no doubt that Morton
was at once brought before him. As refpects New Eng-
land Gorges's curiofity was infatiable. Any one who came
from there, whether a favage or a fea-captain, was eagerly
queflioned by him ; and his collection of charts, memoirs,
letters, journals and memorials, relating to the difcovery of
thofe parts, is faid to have been unequalled.2 Oldham and
Morton had lived there for years. They knew all that was
then known about the country and its refources. They both
of them had unlimited faith in its poffibilities, and talked
about an hundred per cent profit within the year, as if it
were a thing eafily compaffed.3 Talk of this kind Gorges
liked to hear. It fuited his temperament ; and it would

feem

1 Bradford, p. 238; Infra, *I34- Da- 8 Oldham's "vaft conceits of extraor-
gon was the fea-god of the Philiftines, dinary gain of three for one " afterwards
upon the occafion of whofe feaft, at caufed " no fmall diffraction" to the fo-
Gaza, Samfon pulled down the pillars ber-minded governor and affiftants of
of the temple. Judges, xvi. the Maffachufetts Company. Young's

2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 79. Chro?i. of Mafs., p. 147.

Of Merry- Mount 33

feem not improbable that Morton foon found this out, and
bore himfelf accordingly.

Meanwhile it was not poffible for the Council for New
England and the Maffachufetts Company to long move in
harmony. The former was an affociation of courtiers, and
the latter one of Puritans. The Council planned to create
in the New World a fcore or two of great feudal domains
for Englifh noblemen ; the Company propofed to itfelf a
commonwealth there. Accordingly difficulties between the
two at once began to crop out. The original grant to the
Company of March 19, 1628, had been made by the Council,
with the affent of Gorges. The tract already conceded to
Robert Gorges, in 1622, was included in it; but Sir Ferdi-
nanclo infilled that the fubfequent and larger grant was
made with a diftincl: faving of all rights vefted under the
prior one.1 This the Company was not prepared to admit ;
and, as the bufinefs of the Council was habitually done in a
carelefs flipfhod way, the record was by no means clear. A
queftion of title, involving fome three hundred fquare miles
of territory in the heart of the Company's grant, was there-
fore raifed at once.

Captain Robert Gorges meanwhile had died, and the title
to his grant had paffed to his brother John. It would feem
that Oldham, who was a pufhing man, had come out to Eng-
land with fome fcheme of his own for obtaining a patent
from the Council, and organizing a ftrong trading company
to operate under it. The refult was that John Gorges now
deeded to him a portion of the Robert Gorges grant, being

the

1 ill. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 80.

34 Thomas Morton

the whole region lying between the Charles and the Saugus
rivers, for a diftance of five miles from the coaft on the
former and three miles on the latter. This deed may and
probably did bear a date, January 10, 1629, fimilar to that
of another deed of a yet larger tract out of the fame grant,
which John Gorges executed to Sir William Brereton.
The lands thus conveyed were diftinctly within the limits
covered by the grant to the Maffachufetts Company, and a
ferious queftion of title was raifed. The courfe now pur-
fued by the Company could not but have been fingularly
offenfive to Gorges. They outgeneralled him in his own
field of action. They too had friends at court. Accord-
ingly they went directly to the throne. A royal confir-
mation of their grant from the Council was folicited and
obtained. On the 4th of March, 1629, King Charles's char-
ter of the Maffachufetts Company paffed the feals.

It now became a race, for the actual poffeffion of the dif-
puted territory, between the reprefentatives of the Company
on the one fide and the Gorges grantees on the other. The
former, under advice of counfel, denied the validity of the
Robert Gorges grant of 1622. It was, they claimed, void
in law, being " loofe and uncertain." 1 They inftructed En-
dicott to hurry a party forward to effect an actual occuj:>a-
tion. This he at once did ; and the fettlement of Charlef-
tovvn, in the fummer of 1629, was the refult. Meanwhile
Oldham, having in vain tried to coax or browbeat the Com-
pany into an arrangement fatisfactory to himfelf, was en-
deavoring to fit out an expedition of his own.2 He had

not

1 Young's Chron. of Afafs.,p. 171 ; 2 Young's Chron. o/Mafs., p. 147.
Hutchinfon, vol. i. p. 6.

Of Merry-Mount. 3 5

not the means at his difpofal ; and, convinced of this at laft,
he gave up the conteft.

At an early ftage in thefe proceedings he would feem
to have wholly loft fight of fo much of the bufinefs he
had in hand as related to Thomas Morton. Bradford's
expreffion, in referring to what took place, is that Morton
" foold " Oldham.1 Morton himfelf, however, fays2 that Old-
ham did the belt, he could, and tried to fet the officers of the
law at work, but was advifed that Morton had committed
no crime of which the Englifh courts could take cognizance.
He had at molt only difregarded a proclamation. All this
feems very probable. Neverthelefs, for violating a procla-
mation, he could at that time have been proceeded againft
in the Star Chamber. It is true that in their decifion in
1 6 10, already referred to,3 the twelve judges had faid, " Laftly,
if the offence be not punifhable in the Star Chamber, the
prohibition of it by proclamation cannot make it punifhable
there."4 This, however, was the language of the bench in
the days of James, when Coke was Chief Juftice. In 1629
the current of opinion was running ftrongly in the oppofite
direction. Sir Nicholas Hyde, as Chief Juftice, was then
" fetting law and decency at defiance " in fupport of pre-
rogative,5 and a few years later Sir John Finch was to an-
nounce " that while he was Keeper no man mould be fo
faucy as to difpute thefe orders " of the Lords of the
Council.6 Law or no law, therefore, Morton could eafily

have

1 Bradford, p. 243. 5 Campbell's Chief Juflices, vol. ii.

2 Infra, *i56. p. 42.

3 Supra, p. 26. 6 Campbell's Lord Chancellors, vol.

4 xil. Coke, p. 76. iii. p. 256.

36 Thojnas Morton

have been held to a fevere account in the Star Chamber,
had Gorges been difpofed to prefs matters againft him there.
He clearly was not fo difpofed. The inference, therefore, is
that Morton had fucceeded in thoroughly ingratiating him-
felf with Gorges ; and Oldham, as he was now a grantee of
Gorges's fon, did not fee his account in preffmg matters.
Accordingly Bradford's letters and complaints were quietly
ignored ; and his " lord of mifrule," and head of New Eng-
land's firfl " fchoole of Athifme, " * efcaped without, fo far as
could be difcovered, even a rebuke for his mifdeeds.

Nor was this all. Ifaac Allerton was at that time in
London, as the agent of the Plymouth colony. The moffc
important bufinefs he had in hand was to procure a new
patent for the Plymouth people, covering by correct bounds
a grant on the Kennebec, with which region they were now
opening a promifmg trade. They alfo wanted to fecure, if
poffible, a royal charter for themfelves like that which had
juffc been iffued to the Maffachufetts Company. In the
matter of the patent, Allerton had to deal with the Council
for New England ; the granting of the charter lay at White-
hall. Altogether it was a troublefome and vexatious bufi-
nefs, and the agent foon found that he could make no head-
way except through favor. The influence of Gorges became
neceffary. In the light of fubfequent events it would feem
altogether probable that Morton now made himfelf ufeful.
At any rate, when Allerton returned to New England, in
1629, with the patent but without a charter, he aftonifhed
and fcandalized the Plymouth community by bringing Mor-
ton

1 Bradford, p. 237.

Of Merry-Mount 37

ton back with him. They apparently landed fometime in
Auguft,1 and we have two accounts of Morton's reception at
Plymouth ; one his own, and the other Governor Bradford's.
Both are characteriftic. Morton fays that

"Being fhip'd againe for the parts of New Canaan, [he] was put in at
Plimmouth in the very faces of them, to their terrible amazement to fee him
at liberty ; and [they] told him hee had not yet fully anfwered the matter they
could object againft him. Hee onely made this modeft reply, that he did
perceave they were willfull people, that would never be anfwered : and he de-
rided them for their praclifes and loffe of laboure." 2

Bradford, looking at the tranfaction from the other point
of view, favs: —

" Mr. Allerton gave them great and juft ofence in bringing over this year,
for bafe gaine, that unworthy man, and inftrumente of mifcheefe, Morton, who
was fent home but the year before for his mifdemenors. He not only
brought him over, but to the towne, (as it were to nofe them,) and lodged him
at his owne houfe, and for awhile ufed him as a fcribe to doe his buffines." 3

In view of Morton's efcape from all punifhment in Eng-
land, and his return a little later to Mount Wollafton, Brad-
ford fpeaks of the trouble and charge of his arreft as hav-
ing been incurred " to little effect." 4 This, however, was
not fo. On the contrary, it is not often that an act of gov-
ernment repreffion produces effects equally decifive. The
nuifance was abated and the danger difpelled ; the fact that
there was a power on the coaft, ready to affert itfelf in the
work of maintaining order, was eftablifhed and had to be
recognized ; and, finally, a wholly unfcrupulous competitor

was

1 Bradford, p. 250. 3 Bradford, p. 252.

2 Infra, *i$7- i I. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. iii. p. 63.

38 Thomas Morton

was driven out of trade. Thefe refults were well worth all
that Morton's arreft coft, and much more.

It does not appear how long Morton now remained at
Plymouth. It could not, however, have been more than a
few weeks before Allerton, who himfelf went back to Eng-
land the fame feafon, was, as Bradford puts it, " caufed to
pack him away." He then returned to Mount Wollafton,
where he feems to have found a remnant of his old com-
pany,— apparently the more modeft of them and fuch as
had looked to their better walking. Hardly, however, had
he well gotten back when he was in trouble with Endicott.
The firft difficulty arofe out of the jealoufy which exifted
between the " old planters," as they were called, and thofe
who belonged to the Maffachufetts Company. The old
planters were the very men who had affociated themfelves,
eighteen months before, to bring about the fuppreffion of
the eftablifhment at Mount Wollafton. Now they alfo were
beginning to feel the preffure of authority, and they did
not like it. In their helplefs anger they even fpoke of them-
felves as " flaves " of the new Company.1 They could no
longer plant what they chofe or trade with whom they
pleafed.

On thefe points Endicott had explicit inftructions. They
were contained in the letters of Cradock of April 17 and
May 28, 1629, which are to be found in Young's Chronicles
of Maffachufetts, and contain the policy of the company, fet
forth in clear vigorous Englifh. In purfuance of thofe in-
ftruclions, Endicott feems to have fummoned all the old

planters

1 Young's Chron. of Mqfs., p. 145.

Of Merry-Mount. 39

planters dwelling within the limits of the patent to meet in a
General Court at Salem, fometime in the latter part of 1629.
There he doubtlefs advifed them as to the policy which the
Company intended to purfue ; and Morton fays that he
then tendered all prefent for fignature certain articles which
he and the Rev. Samuel Skelton had drawn up together.
The effence of thofe articles was that in all caufes, ecclefiaf-
tical as well as political, the tenor of God's word mould be
followed.1 The alternative was banifliment.

Morton claims that he alone of thofe prefent refufed to
put his hand to this paper, infilling that a provifo fhould
firft be added in thefe words, " So as nothing be done con-
trary or repugnant to the laws of the Kingdom of England."
Thefe are almoft the exact words of King Charles's charter ; 2
and it would feem as though Morton, in propofing them,
fought an opportunity to difplay his legal acumen. Wheth-
er his fuggeftion was adopted, and the articles modified ac-
cordingly, does not appear. It probably was, though the
change was not one which Endicott would have looked
upon with favor. If he affented to it he certainly did fo
grimly. The matter of regulating the trade in beaver fkins
was next brought up. This was intended to be a Company
monopoly, to meet the charge of providing churches and
forts.3 It was accordingly propofed that a fort of general
partnerfhip for the term of one year fhould be effected to
carry it on. Morton fays that on this matter alfo he flood
out, and it feems altogether probable that he did. It is
fafe to fay that he was there to make whatever trouble he

could

1 Infra, *i$8-g. 3 Young's Chron. of Ma/s., pp. 96,

2 Hazard, vol. i. p. 252. 14S.

40 Thomas Morton

could. On the other hand it was not poffible for Endicott
to miftake his inflruclions. They were as plain as words
could make them. He was to fee to it that " none be par-
takers of [the Company's] privileges and profits, but fuch as
be peaceable men, and of honefl life and converfation, and
defirous to live amongft us, and conform themfelves to good
order and government." And further, if any factious fpirit
developed itfelf he was enjoined " to fupprefs a mifchief
before it take too great a head . . . which, if it may be
done by a temperate courfe, we much defire it, though with
fome inconvenience, fo as our government and privileges be
not brought in contempt. . . . But if neceffity require a
more fevere courfe, when fair means will not prevail, we
pray you to deal as in your difcretions you fhall think ntteft."
Such inflruclions as thefe, in Endicott's hands to execute,
boded ill for Morton.

Matters foon came to a crifis. Morton paid no regard to
the Company's trade regulations. The prefumption is that he
was emboldened to take the courfe he now did by the belief
that he would find fupport in England. He unqueftionably
was informed as to all the details of the trouble between the
Maffachufetts Company and the Council for New England,
and knew that Oldham, whom he by the way fpeaks of as
"a mad Jack in his mood,"1 held a grant from John Gorges,
and was ftraining every nerve to come out and take adverfe
poffeffion of the territory covered by it. He probably hoped,
day by day, to fee Oldham appear at the head of a Gorges
expedition. There is reafon to fuppofe that he was himfelf

1 Infra, *i 19.

Of Merry-Mount 4 1

at this time an agent of Gorges,— that, indeed, he had come
back to New England as fuch, and was playing a part very
much like that of a fpy. He was certainly in fuch corre-
fpondence with Sir Ferdinando as the means of communica-
tion permitted, and the confidant of his plans.1

When, therefore, he offered all the oppofition to Endicott
which he dared, and thwarted him fo far as he could, he was
not acting for himfelf alone. He reprefented, in a degree at
leaft, what in England was a powerful combination. Accord-
ingly, with an over-confidence in the refult born of his fan-
guine faith in the power and influence of his patron, he now
feems to have gone back to the lefs objectionable of his old
courfes. He did not renew the trade in fire-arms and am-
munition, for he probably had none to fpare, and experience
had taught him how dangerous it was. He did, however,
deal with the favages as he faw fit, and on his own account,
openly expreffmg his contempt for Endicott's authority, and
doing all he could to excite the jealoufy and difcontent of
the " old planters." 2 His own profits at this time were, he
fays, fix and feven fold.

This ftate of things could not continue. Accordingly, as
the year drew to a clofe, Endicott made an effort to arreft
him. Morton, however, was now on his guard. Getting
wind of what was intended, he concealed his ammunition
and moft neceffary goods in the foreft ; and, when the mef-
fengers, fent acrofs the bay to feize him, landed on the
beach at the foot of Mount Wollafton, he was nowhere to
be found. He fays that they ranfacked his houfe, and took

from

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *57. 2 Infra, *i6o.

42 Thomas Mortoit

from it all the provender they could find ; but when they
were gone he replenifhed his fupplies with the aid of his
gun, and " did but deride Captain Littleworth, that made
his fervants fnap fhorte in a country fo much abounding
with plenty of foode for an induftrious man." This hap-
pened about Chriftmas, 1629.1

Could Endicott now have laid hands upon him there can
be little room for doubt that Morton would have been fum-
marily dealt with ; but for the prefent the deputy-gov-
ernor's attention was otherwife occupied. This was that
winter of 1629-30, the famine and ficknefs of which came fo
near to bringing the Salem fettlement to a premature end.
During that ffruggle for exiftence the magiftrate had no
time to attend to Morton's cafe. But he was not the man
to forget it.

With the following fummer the great migration, which
was to fix the character of New England, began. Inftead
of a veffel fitted out for Oldham under the patronage of
Gorges, the Mary & John, chartered by the Maffachufetts
Company and having on board 140 paffengers from the
Weft of England, anchored off Hull on the 30th of May.
A fortnight later Governor Winthrop reached Salem, and
on the 17th of June he alfo came into Bofton Harbor; and
Morton, from Mount Wollafton, muft have watched his
veffel with anxious eyes as, in full view from his houfe, it
made its way up the channel to the mouth of the Myftic.
He muft alfo have realized that its appearance in thofe
waters boded him no good.

1 Infra, *i6i.

Of Merry-Mount 43

In a few days more the whole fleet, numbering twelve
fail in all, was at anchor off Charleftown, and the work of dis-
charging paffengers was going actively on. Of thefe there
were nearly a thoufand ; x and now the bufy and fatal fum-
mer experience of 1630 was fairly entered upon.

For a few weeks longer Morton continued to live undif-
turbed at Mount Wollafton. The confufion and buftle of
landing, and afterwards the terror and fenfe of bereavement
which followed hard on peftilence, protected him. It was
not until the 23d of Auguft, or the prefent 2d of September,
that the magiftrates held any formal feffion. They then met
at the great houfe at Charleftown,2 as it would feem, Win-
throp, Dudley, Saltonftall, Pynchon, Bradftreet and others
being prefent. After fome more important bufinefs had been
difpofed of, " It was ordered, that Morton, of Mount Woolifon,
fliould prefently be Tent for by proceffe." 3 Of the circum-
ftances of his arreft under the warrant thus iffued Morton
has given no account. Apparently he felt it was ufelefs to
try to evade the meffengers, and refiftance was wholly out of
the queftion. At the next feffion of the magiftrates, held
two weeks later, on what would now be the 1 7th of Septem-
ber, he was formally arraigned. In addition to thofe already
named as being at the earlier meeting, Endicott was now
prefent. He had probably come down from Salem to give
his perfonal attention to Morton's cafe. It muft from the
outfet have been apparent to the prifoner that the tribunal
before which he flood was one from which he had nothing

1 Young's Chron. of Ma/s., p. 311. e Records, vol. i p. 74.

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *3o.

44 Thomas Morton

to hope. The proceedings were in fact fummary. It would
feem, from his own account of them,1 that he endeavored to
humble himfelf, and, that failing, he made a fort of plea to
the jurifdiclion of the Court. Neither fubmiffion nor plea
produced any effecl:. On the contrary he was apparently
cut fhort in his defence and his proteft by impatient excla-
mations, and even bidden to hold his peace and hearken to
his fentence. It appears in the records as follows : —

" It is ordered by this prefent Court, that Thomas Morton, of Mount Wal-
lifton, fhall prefently be fett into the bilbovves, and after fent prifoner into
England, by the fhipp called the Gifte, nowe returning thither ; that all his
goods fhalbe feazed upon to defray the charge of his tranfportation, payment
of his debts, and to give fatisfaclion to the Indians for a cannoe hee unjuftly
tooke away from them ; and that his hovvfe, after the goods are taken out, fhal-
be burnt downe to the ground in the fight of the Indians, for their fatisfaclion,
for many wrongs hee hath done them from tyme to tyme." 2

Unfortunately, Winthrop's admonitory remarks in impof-
ine this fentence have not been preferved. There is, how-
ever, in the New Cajiaan, an expreffion which apparently
formed a part of them.3 It is that in which it is affigned as
a reafon for the deftruclion of the houfe at Mount Wollaf-
ton, that " the habitation of the wicked mould no more
appear in Ifrael." In compliance with the terms of this
fentence, Morton was fet in the flocks ; and while there, he
tells us, the favages came and looked at him, and wondered
what it all meant. He was not, however, fent back to Eng-
land in the Gift, as the mailer of that veffel declined to
carry him ; for what reafon does not appear. It was not in

fad

1 Infra, *i63- 8 Infra, *i6y

2 Records, vol i p. 75.

Of Merry-Mount 45

fact until nearly four months after his arrefl that a paffage
was fecured for him in the Handmaid. Even then, Mave-
rick afterwards ftated that Morton, obdurate to the laft,
refufed to go on board the veffel, upon the ground that he
had no call to go there, and fo had to be hoifted over her
fide by a tackle.1 His houfe alfo was burned down ; but the
execution of this part of his fentence, he afferts, — and his
affertion is confirmed by Maverick, — was vindictively de-
layed until he was on his way into banifhment, when it was
executed rather in his fight, it would feem, than in that of
the favages. Of the voyage to England there is an account
in the New Canaan that is rather more rambling and inco-
herent than is ufual even with Morton.2

The Handmaid appears to have been unfeaworthy, and
infufficiently fupplied. She had a long and tempeftuous
paffage, in the courfe of which Morton came very near
ftarving, no provifion having been made for his fubfiftence
except a very inadequate one out of his own fupplies.

The fecond arrefl of Morton was equally defenfible with
the firft. According to his own account he had fyftemati-
cally made himfelf a thorn in Endicott's fide. He had
refufed to enter into any covenants, whether for trade or
government, and he had openly derided the magiftrate and
eluded his meffengers. This could not be permitted. He
dwelt within the limits of the Maffachufetts charter, and the
Company was right when it inftrucled Endicott that all liv-
ing there " mufl live under government and a like law."
It was neceffary, therefore, that Morton fhould either give in

his

* Coll. ofN. Y. Hijl. Sac. (1869), p. 42. 2 fnfa, *l86-7-

46 Thomas Morton

his adhefion, or that he fliould be compelled to take himfelf
off. This, however, was not the ground which the magiftrates
took. Nothing was faid in the fentence of any difregard of
authority or difobedience to regulation. No reference was
made to any illicit dealings with the Indians, or to the trade
in fire-arms. Offences of this kind would have juftified the
extreme feverity of a fentence which went to the length of
ignominious phyfical punifhment, complete confifcation of
property and banifhment ; leaving only whipping, mutila-
tion or death uninflicled. No fuch offences were alleged.
Thofe which were alleged, on the contrary, were of the moft
trivial character. They were manifeftly trumped up for the
occafion. The accufed had unjuftly taken away a canoe from
fome Indians ; he had fired a charge of fhot among a troop
of them who would not ferry him acrofs a river, wounding one
and injuring the garments of another; he was "a proud, in-
folent man " againft whom a " multitude of complaints were
received, for injuries done by him both to the Englifh and
the Indians."1 Thofe fpecified, it may be prefumed, were
examples of the reft. They amount to nothing at all, and
were afterwards very fitly characterized by Maverick as
mere pretences. Apparently confcious of this, Dudley, the
deputy-governor, in referring to the matter a few months
later in his letter to the Countefs of Lincoln, fays that
Morton was fent to England "for that my Lord Chief
Juftice there fo required, that he might punifli him capi-
tally for fouler mifdemeanors there perpetrated." Bradford
alfo, in referring to the matter, ftates that Morton was

" vehemently

1 Young's Chron. o/Afafs., p. 321 ; Proc. Mafs. Hijl. Soc, 1860-2, p. 133.

Of Merry-Mount 47

" vehemently fufpected " of a murder, and that " a warrant
was fent from the Lord Chief Juftice to apprehend him." x

There can be no doubt that there was a warrant from the
King's Bench againft Morton in Winthrop's hands,2 but in
all probability it was nothing more nor lefs than a fort of
Enelifh lettre de cachet. Morton's record in New England
was perfectly well known in London at the time Winthrop
was making his preparations to crofs. His relations with
Oldham and Gorges muft often have been difcuffed at the
afliftants' meetings, and they were not ignorant of the fact
that he had gone back to Plymouth with Allertdn. They
muft have fufpected that he went back as an agent or emif-
fary of Gorges, and they may have known that he fo went
back. In any event, they did not propofe to have him live
within the limits of their patent. He was an undefirable
character. The warrant, therefore, was probably obtained
in advance, on fome vague report or fufpicion of a criminal
act, to be at hand and ready for ufe when needed.3 It could
not legally run into New England, any more than it could
into Scotland or Ireland.4 Then, and at no later time, would
Winthrop have recognized it in any other cafe ; and, even
in this cafe, no reference is made to it in the colony records.
Had it been so referred to, it might have been cited as a
precedent.

Moreover fuch a requifition, though it might have war-
ranted the return of Morton to England, certainly did not

warrant

1 Bradford, p. 253. ment muft not be brought by Iosua

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *$J. [Winthrop] in vaine."

3 Morton fays (Infra, *i63) "the 4 Mafs. Hijl. Soc, Lowell Inft. Lec-
Snare muft now be ufed ; this inftru- tures (1869)^.377.

48 Thomas Morto7i

warrant the confutation of all his property and the burning
of his houfe in advance of trial and conviction there. In
point of fact, the requifition was a mere pretext and cover.
The Maffachufetts magiftrates, fo far as Morton was con-
cerned, had made up their minds before he flood at their bar.
He was not only a " libertine," as they termed it, but he was
fufpected of being a fpy. His prefence at Mount Wollaflon
they did not confider defirable, and fo they propofed to purge
the country of him ; and if not in one way, then in another.
His cafe is not fingular in Maffachufetts annals ; it is merely
the firft of its kind. It eftablifhed a precedent much too
often followed thereafter. Morton was one of thofe who, as
it was expreffed in a tract of the time printed in London,
" muff have elbow-roome, and cannot abide to be fo pinioned
with the ftricf government in the Commonwealth, or difci-
pline in the church. Now why fhould fuch live there ? As
Ireland will not brooke venomous beafts, fo will not that
land [New England] vile perfons and loofe livers." 1

Many times, in the years which followed, the country was
purged of other of thefe " vile perfons and loofe livers," in
much the fame way that it was now purged of Morton. It
may, however, well be queftioned whether it ever derived ben-
efit from the procefs. Certainly Morton's cafe was as ftrong
as any cafe well could be. There was abfolutely nothing to
be faid in his favor. He was a lawlefs, recklefs, immoral
adventurer. And yet, as the refult will fhow, in fending Mor-
ton back to England, the victim of high-handed juftice, the
Maffachufetts magiftrates committed a ferious blunder. They

had

1 I. Ma/s. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 250.

Of Merry-Mount 49

had much better have left him alone under the harrow of
their authority. At Mount Wollaflon he was at worft but a
nuifance. They drove him away from there and fent him
back to London ; and at Whitehall he became a real danger.
This part of his ftory is now to be told.

Bradford fays, and he is generally correct in his ftate-
ments, that when at laft Morton reached England " he lay
a good while in Exeter jail." x There is no allufion to any-
thing: of the fort in the New Canaan ; and it would not feem
that he could have been very long a prifoner, as the next
affizes and jail-delivery mull have fet him free. There could
have been nothing- on which to make him {land, a trial.
Accordingly the following year he was at liberty and bufily
concerned in Gorges's intrigues for the overthrow of the
Maffachufetts charter.

The houfe in which Gorges lived — as formerly it had
been the point of gathering of all who had vifited the Amer-
ican coaft, or could add anything to the flock of information
concerning it — was now the headquarters for thofe who had
any complaint to make or charges to prefer againft the
magiflracy of Maffachufetts. Acting in concert with Captain
John Mafon, the patentee of New Hampfhire, he was exerting
himfelf to the utrnofl to fecure a revocation of King Charles's
charter. The attack was made on the 19th of December,
1632, and it was a formidable one. It affumed the fhape of
a petition to the Privy Council, afking the Lords to inquire
into the methods through which the royal charter for the
Maffachufetts Bay had been procured, and into the abufes

which

1 Bradford, p. 253.

50 Thomas Morton

which had been practifed under it. Befides many injuries
inflicted on individuals in their property and perfons, the
Company was alfo charged with feditious and rebellious
defiens, fubverfive alike of church and of ftate. The various
allegations were bafed on the affidavits of three witneffes, —
Thomas Morton, Philip Ratcliff and Sir Chriftopher Gardi-
ner. Behind thefe was the active and energetic influence
of Gorges and Mafon.1

It is not neceffary in this connection to go into any
detailed ftatement of the wrongs complained of by Ratcliff
and Gardiner. They were of the fame nature, though even
more pronounced than thofe of Morton. The country had
in fact been purged of all three of thefe individuals. The
original document in which they fet forth their cafes, and
made accufation againfl; the magiftrates, has unfortunately
been loft. In referring to it afterwards Winthrop faid that
it contained " fome truths mifrepeated." 2 Apart from fevere
judgments on alleged wrong-doers, including whipping,
branding, mutilating, banifliment and confifcation of proper-
ty, the burden of the accufation lay in the difpofition to
throw off allegiance to the mother country, which was dif-
tinctly charged againfl the colony.

A harfh coloring was doubtlefs given in the petition to
whatever could be alleged. So far as cafting off their alle-
giance to the mother country was concerned, nothing can
be more certain than that neither the leaders nor the
common people of New England entertained at that time
any thought of it ; but it is quite equally certain that the

leaders

1 Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 336. 2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I02.

Of Merry-Mount. 5 1

leaders at leaft were deeply diffatisfied with the courfe public
affairs were then taking in England. They were Puritans,
and this was the period of the Star Chamber and the High
Commiffion. No parliament had been called fmce 1629,
and it was then publicly announced at Court that no
more parliaments were to be called. There is no reafon
to fuppofe that the early fettlers of Maffachufetts were a
peculiarly reticent race. On the contrary it is well known
that they were much given to delivering themfelves and
bearing evidence on all occafions ; and in doing fo they
unqueflionably railed and declaimed quite freely againft
thofe then prominent in the council-chamber and among
the bifhops. That there was a latent fpirit in New England
ripe for rebellion was alfo, probably, afferted in the loft
document. However Winthrop might deny it, and deny it
honeftly, this alfo was true ; and fubfequent events, both in
Maffachufetts and in England, mowed it to be fo. In the
light of their fympathies and fufferings, Morton and Gardi-
ner probably realized the drift of what they had heard faid
and feen done in New England a good deal better than
Winthrop.

The refult of the Morton-Gardiner petition was the ap-
pointment of a committee of twelve Lords of the Council,
to whom the whole matter was referred for inveftigation and
report. The committee was empowered to fend for perfons
and papers, and a long and apparently warm hearing enfued.
The friends of the Company found it neceffary to at once
beftir themfelves. Cradock, Saltonftall and Humfrey filed a
written anfwer to the complaint, and fubfequently, at the
hearing, they received efficient aid from Emanuel Downing,

Winthrop's

52 Thomas Morton

Winthrop's brother-in-law, and Thomas Wiggin, who lived
at Pifcataqua, but now moft opportunely chanced to be in
London.

At the Court of Charles I. everything was matter of influ-
ence or purchafe. The founders of Maffachufetts were men
juft abreaft of their time, and not in advance of it. There
is good ground on which to fufpect that they did not hefi-
tate to have recourfe to the means then and there neceffary
to the attainment of their ends. It has never been explained,
for inftance, how the charter of 1629 was originally fecured.1
When Allerton, at the fame time, tried to obtain a fimilar
charter for the Plymouth colony, he found that he had to
buy his way at every ftep, and Bradford complained bitterly
of the " deale of money veainly and lavifhly caft away." 2 That
the original patentees of Maffachufetts bribed fome courtier
near the King, and through him bought their charter, is
wholly probable. Every one bribed, and almoft every one
about the King took bribes. That the patentees had pow-
erful influence at Court is certain ; exactly where it lay is not
apparent. The Earl of Warwick interefted himfelf actively
in their behalf. It was he who fecured for them their patent
from the Council for New England. But Warwick, though
a powerful nobleman, was " a man in no grace at Court ; "
on the contrary, he was one of thofe " whom his Majefty had
no efteem of, or ever purpofed to truft." 3 Winthrop fays
that in the Morton-Gardiner hearing his brother-in-law,
Emanuel Downing, was efpecially ferviceable.4 Downing

was

1 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 391. 4 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *ioo. Down-

2 Bradford, pp. 251-2. ing fent a detailed account of the hear-
8 Clarendon's Rebellion, B. Ill, § 27; ing, now loft, to Winthrop; see Hutch-

B. vi. § 404. infon, vol. ii. p. 2.

Of Merry-Mount 5 3

was a lawyer of the Inner Temple.1 There is reafon to
fuppofe that he had accefs to influential peribns, — poffibly
Lord Dorchefter may have been amongft them.2 However
this may be, whether by means of influence or bribery, the
hearing before the Committee of the Privy Council was
made to refult difaftroufly for the complainants. Gorges
took nothing by his motion. In due time the Committee
reported againft any interference with the Company at that
time. Such grounds of complaint as did not admit of expla-
nation they laid to the " faults or fancies of particular men,"
and thefe, they declared, were " in due time to be inquired
into." King Charles himfelf alfo had evidently been labored
with through the proper channels, and not without effect.
Not only did he give his approval to the report of the Com-
mittee, but he went out of his way to further threaten with
condign punifhment thofe " who did abufe his governor and
the plantation."

Gorges's carefully prepared attack had thus ended in com-
plete failure. The danger, however, had been great, nor
was its importance undereflimated in Maffachufetts. This
clearly appears in Winthrop's fubfequent action ; for when,
four months later, in May, 1633, information of the final
action of the Council reached him, he wrote a letter of grave
jubilation to Governor Bradford, giving him the glad news,
and inviting him to join " in a day of thankfgiving to our
mercifull God, who, as he hath humbled us by his late cor-
rection, fo he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoyflng in

our deliverance out of fo defperate a danger." 3

Though

1 iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll, vol. vi. p. 2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 392.

33, n. 3 Bradford, p. 297.

54 Thomas Morton

Though badly defeated, and for the time being no doubt
difcouraged, Gorges and Morton were not difpofed to defift
from their efforts. As the latter expreffed it, they had been
too eager, and had " effected the bufinefs but fuperficially." *
They had alfo committed the ferious miftake of underesti-
mating the ftrength and influence of their antagonists. If
Gorges, however, was at home anywhere, he was at home
juft where he had now received his crufhing defeat, — in the
antechambers of the palace. All his life he had been work-
ing through Court influences. Through them, after the
Effex infurrection, he had faved his neck from the block.
If Court influence would have availed to fecure it, in 1623
he would have pre-empted the whole territory about Bofton
Bay as the private domain of himfelf and his defcendants.
At Whitehall he was an enemy not lightly to be difre-
garded ; and this Winthrop and his colleagues foon had
caufe to realize.

Thwarted by ftrong influences in one direction, Gorges
went to work to fecure ftronger influences in another direc-
tion. He knew the ground, and his plan of operations was
well conceived. To follow it out in detail is not poffible.
Here and there a fact appears ; the reft is inference and fur-
mife. The King was the objective point. Of him it is not
neceffary here to fpeak at length, for his character is too
well understood. Dignified in his bearing, and in perfonal
character purer than his times, — a devout, well-intentioned
man, — Charles was a fhallow, narrow-minded bigot, with a
difeafed belief in that divinity which doth hedge a king. He

would

1 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *I90.

Of Merry-Mount 5 5

would have made an ideal, average Englifh country gentle-
man. After the manner of fmall, obftinate men, he believed
intenfely in a few things. One was his own royal fuprem-
acy and his refponhbility, not to his people but to his king-
fliip. He was nothing of a ftatefman, and as a politician
he was his own worft enemy. His idea of government was
the Spanifh one : the king had a prime-minifter, and that
prime-minifter was the king's other and fecond felf. In
Charles's cafe Buckingham was at firft. prime-minifter; and,
when Buckingham was affaffinated, he was in due time fuc-
ceeded by Laud. Abbot, Archbifhop of Canterbury, had
not died until Auguft 4, 1633, anc^ a few days later Laud
was appointed to fucceed him. He thus became primate
almoit exactly eight months after the firft attack on the
charter. It was through him that Gorges now went to work
to influence the King and to control the courfe of events
in New England. His method can be explained in four
words : Laud hated a Puritan.

At firft. the fecret connection of Gorges and Morton with
the events which now enfued is matter of pure furmife.
There is no direct evidence of it in the records or narra-
tives. At a later period it becomes more apparent. As a
matter of furmife, however, bafed on the fubfequent develop-
ment of events, it feems probable that in February, 1634, the
attention of the Archbifhop, and through him that of the
Privy Council, was called to the large emigration then going
on to New England of " perfons known to be ill-affected and
difcontented, as well with the civil as ecclefiaftical govern-
ment." 1 As Gorges himfelf expreffed it, " numbers of people

1 Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon. vol. i. p. 338.

56 Thomas Morton

of all forts flocked thither in heaps."1 Several veffels, already
loaded with paffengers and ftores, were then lying in the
Thames. An Order in Council was forthwith iffued flaying
thefe veffels, and calling upon Cradock to produce the Com-
pany's charter. So far as the veffels were concerned it foon
appeared that the Company was flill not without friends in
the Council ; and, " for reafons beft known to their Lord-
fliips," they were permitted to fail.2 Doubtlefs this deten-
tion, as the fubfequent more rigid reftraint, was " grounded
upon the feveral complaints that came out of thofe parts of
the divers fects and fchifms that were amongft them, all con-
temning the public government of the ecclefiaflical flate."
Ratcliff was now looked upon as a lunatic,3 and Gardiner
had difappeared. Morton alone remained ; and it is fafe to
furmife that he was the fountain-head of thefe complaints,
as Gorges was the channel which conveyed them to Laud.
As refpects the charter, Cradock made reply to the order
for its production that it was not in his hands, — that Win-
throp, four years before, had taken it to New England. He
was directed to fend for it at once. Here the matter refted,
and to all appearances Gorges had met with one more
check. The releafe of the veffels was ordered on the lafl
day of February, 1634.

1 in. Mafs. Hift. Coll., vol. vi. p. 80. far as New England hiftory is con-

2 Mem. Hijl. of Bq/lon, vol. i. p. 338. cerned, may fairly be made an excep-
The reference here, as at fome other tion to this rule. His knowledge is fo
places, is to Deane's chapter on "The exhauftive and his accuracy fo great that
Charter of King Charles I." As a rule, a reference to him I confider juftas good
in works of this defcription, dealing and as permiffible as a reference to the
with the fources of hiftory, it is not original authorities.

permiffible to refer to contemporaneous 8 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *$6, n.
authorities. Mr. Deane, however, fo

Of Merry-Mount 5 7

A new move on the chefs-board was now made by fome
one. Who that fome-one was is again matter of furmife.
Hitherto the few matters which from time to time came up,
relating to the colonies, had been confidered in the full
Privy Council. There the Maffachufetts Company had
fhown itfelf a power. Special tribunals, however, were at
this juncture greatly in vogue at Whitehall. The Council
of the North, the Star Chamber, the Court of High Com-
miffion, were in full operation. To them all political work
was configned, and in the two laft Laud was fupreme. Up
to this time, however, the need of any fpecial tribunal to
look after the affairs of the colonies had not made itfelf felt.
The hiftorians of New England have philofophized a great
deal over the confiderations of ftate which, during: the reiom
of Charles, dictated the royal policy towards New England ; x
but it is more than doubtful whether confiderations of ftate
had anything to do with that policy. The remotenefs and
infignificance of early New England, fo far as the Englifh
Court was concerned, is a thing not eafy now to realize. It
may be taken for certain that King and Primate rarely gave
a thought to it, much lefs matured a definite or rational pol-
icy. Their minds were full of more important matters.
They were intent on queftions of tonnage and poundage,
on monopolies, and all poffible ways and means of raifing
money ; they were thinking of the war with Spain, of Went-
worth's Irifh policy, of the Englifh oppofition, and the
Scotch church fyftem. So far as New England was con-
cerned they were mere puppets to be jerked to and fro by

the

1 Palfrey, vol. i. pp. 391-3.

58 TJiomas Morton

the firings of Court influence, — now granting a charter at
the inftance of one man, and then retraining veffels at the
inftance of another, — defending " our governor " one day,
and threatening to have his ears cropped the next.

In certain quarters it feems now, however, to have been
decided that this condition of affairs was to continue no
longer. A fpecial tribunal mould be created, to take charge
of all colonial matters. This move feems to have grown
out of the Order in Council of February 21, and to have
been directed almoft exclufively to the management of
affairs in New England, whence complaint mainly came.
Accordingly, on the 10th of April, a commiffion paffed the
great feal eftablifhing a board with almoft unlimited power
of regulating plantations. Laud was at the head of it.
There would feem to be every reafon to affume that this
tribunal was created at the fuggeftion of Laud, and in con-
fequence of the undecided courfe purfued by the Council as
a whole, two months before, in the matter of the detained
veffels. A further inference, from what went before and
what followed, is that Lauds action was flimulated and
fhaped by Gorges. He was the a6tive promoter of com-
plaints and fcandals from New England. In other words,
the organization of this colonial board, through Laud's influ-
ence and with Laud fupreme in it, was Gorges's firft move
in the next and moft formidable attack on the charter of the
Maffachufetts Bay.

The plan now matured by Gorges was a large one. He
had no idea of being balked of the prize which it had been
the dream and the effort of his life to fecure. He meant
yet to grafp a government for himfelf, and an inheritance

for

Of Merry-Moitnt. . 59

for his children, in New England. So far as the fettlement
of that country was concerned, what he for thirty years
had been vainly ruining himfelf to bring about was now
accomplifhing itfelf ; but it was accomplishing itfelf not only
without his aid, but in a way which gravely threatened his
interefts. The people who were fwarming to New England
refuted to recognize his title, and abufed and expelled his
agents. It was clear that the Council for New England was
not equal to dealing with fuch a criiis. It was neceffary to
proceed through fome other agency. The following fcheme
was, therefore, ftep by ftep devifed.

The territory held under the great patent of the Council
for New England extended from Maine to New Jerfey.
This whole region was, by the action of the Council, to be
divided in feveralty among its remaining members, and the
patent was then to be furrendered to the King, who there-
upon was to confirm the divifion juft made.1 The Council
being thus gotten out of the way, the King was to affume
the direct government of the whole territory, and was to
appoint a governor-general for it. Sir Ferdinando Gorges
was to be that governor-general.2 He would thus go out
to his province clothed with full royal authority ; and
the iffue would then be, not between the fettlers of Mafla-
chufetts, acting under the King's charter, and that " carcafs
in a manner breathlefs," the Council for New England, but
between a fmall body of difobedient fubjecls and the King's
own reprefentative. The fcheme was a well-deviled one.

1 Briefe Narration, in. Mafs. Hill. - Proc. of Amer. Antiq. Soc, 1867,
Coll., vol. vi. p. 82. Hazard, vol. i. p. 124. Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 233. Haz-
p. 390-4. ard, vol. i. p. 347.

60 Thomas Morton

It was nothing more nor lefs than the colonial or New Eng-
land branch of Strafford's " Thorough." It was a part,
though a fmall part, of a great fyftem.

The firft ftep in carrying out the programme was to fecure
the appointment of the Commiffion of April 10. The influ-
ence of the Archbifhop being affured, there was no difficulty
in this. The board was compofed of twelve members of the
Privy Council. Laud himfelf was at the head of it, and with
him were the Archbifhop of York, the Earls of Portland,
Manchefter, Arundel and Dorfet, Lord Cottington, Sir
Thomas Edmunds, Sir Henry Vane, and Secretaries Cooke
and Windebank. Any five or more of thefe Commiffioners
were to conftitute a quorum, and their powers were of the
largeft defcription. They could revoke all charters previ-
oufly granted, remove governors and appoint others in the
places of thofe removed, and even break up fettlements if
they deemed it beft fo to do. They could inflict punifhment
upon all offenders, either by imprifonment, " or by lofs of life
or member." It was in fact a commiffion of " right divine."
It embodied the whole royal policy of King Charles, as for-
mulated by Wentworth and enforced by Laud. The new
Commiffion was not flow in proceeding to its appointed work,
and the potency of Gorges's influence in it was fhown by his
immediate defignation as governor-general.1 How clofe
Morton then flood to him may be inferred from the following
letter, which fhows alfo that he was well informed as to all
that was going on.2 It was written exactly three weeks after

the

•

1 Hazard, vol. i. p. 347. uted to the coft of arrefting Morton in

2 William Jeffreys was one of the Rob- 1628 and fending him to England. Mor-
ert Gorges Company. He had contrib- ton, in writing to him, could not but have

been

Of Merry-Motmt 6 1

the appointment of the Commiffion, and was addreffed to
William Jeffreys at WeffagufTet: —

My very good Gossip, — If I fhould commend myfelf to you, you reply
with this proverb, — Propria lausfordet in ore: but to leave impertinent falute,
and really to proceed. — You (hall hereby underftand, that, although, when I
was firft fent to England to make complaint againft Ananias and the brethren,
I effected the bufmefs but fuperficially, (through the brevity of time,) I have
at this time taken more deliberation and brought the matter to a better pafs.
And it is thus brought about, that the King hath taken the bufmefs into his own
hands. The Maffachufetts Patent, by order of the council, was brought in
view ; the privileges there granted well fcanned upon, and at the council board
in public, and in the prefence of Sir Richard Saltonftall and the reft, it was
declared, for manifeft abufes there difcovered, to be void. The King hath
reaffumed the whole bufmefs into his own hands, appointed a committee of
the board, and given order for a general governor of the whole territory to be
fent over. The commiffion is paffed the privy feal, I did fee it, and the fame
was i mo. Maii fent to the Lord Keeper to have it pafs the great feal for
confirmation ; and I now flay to return with the governor, by whom all com-
plainants fhall have relief : 1 So that now Jonas being fet afhore may fafely

cry,

been aware of this ; but not improbably, It was a childifh outbreak of delight and

during the time of his return to Mount vanity.

Wollafton in 1630, he had feen more of 1 There is fome confufion about thefe

Jeffreys, and found that he too, like the dates. The letter itfelf is dated the ift

reft of the " old planters," looked on the of May, and the commiffion is here faid

Maffachufetts Company with jealoufy on that day to have paffed the great leal,

and apprehenfion. At that time, indeed, The commiffioners may have designated

Jeffreys was in active correfpondence Gorges as governor-general at this time,

with Gorges, and outfpoken in his com- and ordered a commiffion as fuch to be

plaints, (iv. Mafs. Hift. Coll., vol. vi. at once made out to him ; but a year

p. 3.) Hence the familiarity of the ad- later the King's intention of appointing

drefs. It is apparent from the letter, him was formally announced. {P roc. of

however, that Morton, when he wrote it, Amer. Antiq. Soc, 1867, p. 120.) The

was fo fure of his pofition and fo elated probability is that the bufmefs relating

with a fenfe of his own importance that to the colonies was regarded as of little

he could not contain himfelf. He could moment and done in the moft carelefs

not refift the defire to let his old acquaint- and irregular way, hardly a record even

ances in America know what an impor- of it being kept. Some proceedings were

tant perfonage he had become, and he thus begun and not carried out, and

probably hoped they would fhow the other things were done twice,
letter to Winthrop and every one elfe.

62 Thomas Morton

cry, repent you cruel feparatifls, repent, there are as yet but forty days. If
Jove vouchfafe to thunder, the charter and kingdom of the feparatifts will fall
afunder. Repent you cruel fchifmatics, repent.1 Thefe things have happened,
and I fhall fee, (notwithftanding their boafting and falfe alarms in the Maffa-
chufetts, with feigned caufe of thankfgiving,) their mercilefs cruelty rewarded,
according to the merit of the fact, with condign punifhment for coming into
thefe parts, like Sampfon's foxes with fire-brands at their tails.2 The King
and Council are really poffeffed of their prepofterous loyalty and irregular
proceedings, and are incenfed againft them : and although they be fo oppo-
fite to the catholic axioms, yet they will be compelled to perform them, or
at leaftwife, fuffer them to be put in practice to their forrow. In matter of
reftitution and fatisfaction, more than myftically, it muft be performed vifibly,
and in fuch fort as may be fubjecl to the fenfes in a very lively image. My
Lord Canterbury having, with my Lord Privy Seal, caufed all Mr. Cradock's
letters to be viewed, and his apology in particular for the brethren here, pro-
tefted againft him and Mr. Humfrey, that they were a couple of impofterous
knaves ; fo that, for all their great friends, they departed the council chamber
in our view with a pair of cold moulders. I have ftaid long, yet have not
loft my labor, although the brethren have found their hopes fruftrated ; fo
that it follows by confequence, I fhall fee my defire upon mine enemies : and
if John Grant had not betaken him to flight, I had taught him to fmg clamavi
in the Fleet before this time, and if he return before I depart, he will pay
dear for his prefumption. For here he finds me a fecond Perfeus : I have
uncafed Medufa's head, and ftruck the brethren into aftonifhment. They
find, and will yet more to their fhame, that they abufe the word and are to
blame to prefume fo much, — that they are but a word and a blow to them
that are without. Of thefe particulars I thought good, by fo convenient a
meffenger, to give you notice, left you fhould think I had died in obfeurity,
as the brethren vainly intended I fhould, and bafely praclifed, abufing juftice
by their finifler practices, as by the whole body of the committee, una voce,
it was concluded to be done, to the difhonor of his majefty. And as for Rat-
cliffe, he was comforted by their lordfhips with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's

ears :

1 Morton is here quoting from the publifhed until three years later. (See

New Canaan, (p. *i88) and its very laft Infra, pp. 78-9.)

page. It would feem, therefore, now to 2 Supra, pp. 44-5.
have been written, though it was not

Of Merry-Mount. 63

ears : which fhows what opinion is held amongft them of King Winthrop with
all his inventions and his Amfterdam fantaftical ordinances, his preachings,
marriages, and other abufive ceremonies, which do exemplify his deteftation
to the Church of England, and the contempt of his majefty's authority and
wholefome laws, which are and will be eftabliihed in thefe parts, invito, Mi-
nerva. With thefe I thought fit to falute you, as a friend, by an epiftle, be-
caufe I am bound to love you, as a brother, by the gofpel, refting your loving

friend.

THOMAS MORTON.1

Dated i Mo. Maii, 1634.

Morton is always confufed and inaccurate in his ftate-
ments, and this letter afforded no exception to the rule. It
is impoffible to be quite fure of what particular occafions he
refers to in it. He may in the fame breath be fpeaking of
different things. Whether, for inftance, the hearing to
which he alludes, at which the patent " was brought in
view," was the fame or another meeting from that in which
Cradock's letters were produced, is not clear. It would
feem as though he were fpeaking of the February hearing
before the whole Council, and yet he may be defcribing a
fubfequent hearing in April before the Lords Commiffion-
ers. He fpeaks of the " council chamber " and of " the whole
body of the Committee," and then alludes to the prefence of
Saltonftall, Humfrey and Cradock. Now thefe perfons
were before the Council in the hearing of 1632, and they
may all of them, as Cradock certainly was, have been before
it in February 1634; but Humfrey could hardly have ap-
peared before the Lords Commiffioners, as he feems to have

failed

1 This letter is in Hubbard, pp. 428- readings do not materially differ, but the
30 (11. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi.), and punctuation has been corrected and the
in Winthrop, vol. ii. pp. *i90-i. The fpelling is modern.

64 Thomas Morto7i

failed for New England early in the month during which
they were appointed. The meeting which Morton defcribes,
therefore, was probably that of February 28, 1634; and it
would feem to have favored ftrongly of the Star Chamber
and High Commiflion. Cradock and Humfrey were appar-
ently fcolded and abufed by Laud in the ftyle for which he
was famous, and the admiffion by the former, that the char-
ter had gone to America, had led to his being called " an
impofterous knave," and fharply told to fend for it back at
once. The well-known foibles of the Primate had been
fkilfully played upon by accounts of Winthrop's " Amfler-
dam fantaftical ordinances, his preachings, marriages, and
other abufive ceremonies ; " and they had much the effect that
a red flag is known to have on a bull. Nothing was now
heard of the King's intention of feverely punifhing thofe
who abufed " his governor ; " but, on the contrary, Ratcliffe
was " comforted with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's ears."
Gorges was governor-general, and with him Morton expected
foon to depart.

Cradock's letter, enclofing the order of the Council for
the return of the charter, reached Bofton in July. Win-
throp was then no longer governor, having been difplaced
by Dudley at the previous May election. As is well known
to all ftudents of New England hiftory, the famous parch-
ment, ftill in the office of the fecretary of the Puritan Com-
monwealth, was not fent back.1 It is unneceffary, however,
to here repeat the ftory of the flruggle over it. Prefently
Governor Edward Window of Plymouth was defpatched to

England,

1 Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 379, n.

Of Merry- Mount 65

England, as the joint agent of the two colonies, to look after
their endangered interefts. He reached London in the
autumn of 1634, bringing with him an evafive reply to
the demand contained in Cradock's letter.

Window failed in the middle or latter part of July, and a
few days later, on the 4th of Auguft,1 Jeffreys came over from
Weffaguffet to Bofton, bringing to Winthrop the letter which
he had fhortly before received from Morton. It was the firft
intimation the magiflrates had of the Commiffion and of the
appointment of a governor-general. Winthrop communi-
cated the news to Dudley and the other members of the
Council, and to fome of the minifters ; and, doubtlefs, for a
time they all nurfed an anxious hope that the exaggerations
in the letter were even greater than they really were. The
General Court met on the 25th of Auguft. While it was
ftill in feffion, veffels arrived bringing tidings which difpelled
all doubt, and confirmed everything material that Morton
had faid. He whom the magiftrates had fo ignominioufly
punifhed, and fo contemptuoufly driven away, was evidently
in a polition to know what thofe in authority intended. It
began to be evident that the Maffachufetts magiftrates had
undereftimated an opponent.

A full copy of the Order in Council eftablifhing the board
of Lords Commiffioners of Plantations, was now received,
and the colonifts were further advifed, through their private
letters, that mips were being furnifhed, and foldiers gotten
ready for embarkation in them. It was given out that thefe
troops and veffels were intended for Virginia, whither a new

governor

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I37>

66 Thomas Morton

governor was about to be fent ; but Winthrop wrote that
in Maffachufetts the preparation was " fufpected to be
againfl us, to compel us by force to receive a new gov-
ernor, and the difcipline of the church of England, and the
laws of the commiffioners.1 "

The anfwer which beft expreffed the fpirit of the colony,
in reply to Laud's threats, was now found, not in the miffive
which Winflow had in charge, but in the acl of Morton's
old oppreffor, Endicott, when a few weeks later at Salem he
cut the red crofs from the ftandard. It was an acl, however,
which feemed to indicate that there was more truth than
Winthrop was difpofed to admit in Gardiner and Morton's
charge that "the minifters and people did continually rail
againfl the ftate, church and bifhops."2 Six months of great
alarm and flrenuous preparation now enfued. Steps were
taken to get together arms and ammunition, and defences
were ordered at Dorchefter and Charleftown, as well as at
Caftle Ifland. The magiftrates were even empowered to
imprefs laborers for the work. In January the minifters were
fummoned to Bofhon, and the queftion formally fubmitted to
them : " What ought we to do if a general governor mould
be fent out of England ? " The reply was that " we ought
not to accept him, but defend our lawful poffeffions if we are
able." In April a rumor of ftrange veffels hovering off
Cape Ann threw the whole province into a tumult. It was
fuppofed that Governor-general Gorges, with Morton in his
train, was at the harbor's mouth. It proved to be a falfe
alarm, and after that the excitement feems gradually to have
fubfided.

This

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I43- 2 lb., vol i. p. *io2.

Of Merry -Mount 67

This was in the fpring of 1635. Meanwhile Winflow had
reached England fometime early in the previous autumn.
Though he had not brought the charter with him, its pro-
duction does not feem to have been again immediately
called for. He probably held out confident affurances that
it would be fent over in the next veffel, as foon as the
General Court met ; but it is alfo probable that, in view of
the courfe which had now been decided upon, an examina-
tion of it was no longer deemed neceffary. The enfuing
fpring, that of 1635, had been fixed upon by Gorges and
Mafon as the time for decifive action. The charter was
then to be vacated, and Gorges was to go out to New Eng-
land with a force fufficient to compel obedience. All this,
however, implied confiderable preparation. Shipping had
to be provided in the firft place. A large veffel was accord-
ingly put upon the flocks. Rumor faid, alfo, that the new
governor-general was to take out with him a force of no lefs
than one thoufand foldiers.1 Whether this was true or not,
there can be little doubt that all through the winter of
1634-5 active preparations were on foot in England in-
tended againft the Maffachufetts colony.

Befides watching thefe proceedings Winflow had other
bufinefs in London which required his appearance before the
Lords Commiffioners. He had prefented to them a petition
on behalf of the two colonies for authority to refift certain
Dutch and French encroachments. This proceeding Win-
throp had not thought well advifed,2 as he very fhrewdly
argued that it implied an abfence of authority without fuch

fpecial

1 Autobiography of Sir Simonds 2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I72.
UEwes, vol. ii. p. 118.

68 Thomas Morton

fpecial authorization, and might thus be drawn into a prece-
dent. Window, however, had none the lefs fubmitted the
petition, and feveral hearings were given upon it. Fully
advifed as to everything that was going on before the Lords
Commiffioners, Gorges did not favor this move. It author-
ized military or diplomatic action, the conduct of which by
right belonged to him as governor-general of the region
within which the action was to be taken. He accordingly
went to work to circumvent Window. What enfued throws
a great deal of light on Morton's {landing at the time, and
the ufe that was made of him ; and it alfo explains the fig-
nificance of certain things in the New Canaan.

Laud, it will be remembered, was the head and moving
fpirit of the Lords Commiffioners. His word was final in
the Board. Upon him Gorges depended to work all his re-
mits ; which included not only his own appointment as
governor-general, with full power and authority as fuch,
but alfo the neceffary fupply of men and money to enable
him to eftablidi his fupremacy. To fecure thefe ends it was
neceffary to play continually on the Primate's didike of the
Puritans, and his intenfe zeal in behalf of all Church forms
and ceremonies, including the ufe of the Book of Common
Prayer. The whole political and hidorical dgnificance of
the New Canaan lies in this fact. It was a pamphlet de-
figned to work a given effect in a particular quarter, and
came very near being productive of lading refults. Dedi-
cated in form to the Lords Commiffioners, it was charged
with attacks on the Separatifts, and datements of the con-
tempt diown by them to the Book of Common Prayer.
Finally it contained one chapter on the church practices

Of Merry-Mount 69

in New England, which was clearly defigned for the fpecial
enlightenment of the Archbifhop.1 In this chapter it is fet
down as the firft and fundamental tenet of the New Eng-
land church " that it is the magistrate's office abfolutely, and
not the minifter's, to join the people in lawful matrimony ;"
next, that to make ufe of a ring in marriage is a relic of
popery ; and then again " that the Book of Common Prayer
is an idol ; and all that ufe it idolaters." It now remains to
mow how cunningly, when it came to queflions of ftate, Laud
was worked upon by thefe Statements, and what a puppet he
became in the hands of Gorges and Morton.

Window's fuit had profpered. He had fubmitted to the
Lords Commiffioners a plan for accomplishing the end
defired without any charge being impofed on the royal
exchequer, and he was on the point of receiving, as he
fuppofed, a favorable decifion. Suddenly the fecret firings
were pulled. Bradford belt tells the flory of what enfued.

" When Mr. Window fhould have had his fuit granted, (as indeed upon the
point it was,) and fhould have been confirmed, the Archbifhop put a ftop
upon it, and Mr. Window, thinking to get it freed, went to the Board again.
But the Bifhop, Sir Ferdinando and Captain Mafon had, as it feems, pro-
cured Morton to complain. To whofe complaints Mr. Window made anfwer
to the good fatisfaclion of the Board, who checked Morton, and rebuked him
fharply, and alfo blamed Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Mafon for countenanc-
ing him. But the Bidiop had a further end and ufe of his prefence, for he
now began to queftion Mr. Window of many things, as of teaching in the
church publicly, of which Morton accufed him and gave evidence that he
had feen and heard him do it ; to which Mr. Window anfwered that fome-
times (wanting a minifter) he did exercife his gift to help the edification of
his brethren, when they wanted better means, which was not often. Then
about marriage, the which he alfo confeffed, that, having been called to place

1 Infra, pp. * 172-9.

70 Thomas Morton

of magiftracy, he had fometimes married fome. And further told their lord-
fhips that marriage was a civil thing, and he found nowhere in the word of
God that it was tied to miniftry. Again they were neceffitated fo to do,
having for a long time together at firft no minifter; befides, it was no new
thing, for he had been fo married himfelf in Holland, by the magiftrates in
their Stadt-Houfe. But in the end, to be fhort, for thefe things the Bifhop, by
vehement importunity, got the Board at laft to confent to his commitment.
So he was committed to the Fleet, and lay there feventeen weeks, or therea-
bout, before he could get to be releafed. And this was the end of this peti-
tion and this bufmefs ; only the others' defign was alfo fruftrated hereby, with
other things concurring, which was no fmall bleffmg to people here." *

For the time being, however, " the others' defign," as Brad-
ford defcribes Gorges's fcheme, fo far from being fruftrated,
moved on moft profperoufly. All the friends and agents
of the colony were now driven from the field. Cradock,
Saltonftall and Humfrey had departed the council-chamber
with " a pair of cold moulders." Window was a prifoner.
Morton had demonftrated that his boaft in the letter to Jef-
freys, that he would make his opponents " fing clamavi in
the Fleet," was not an idle one. He had not exaggerated
his power. Gorges's courfe was now clear, and his plan
developed rapidly. At a meeting of thofe ftill members
of the Council for New England, held at Lord Gorges's
houfe on the 3d of February, 1635, the next flep was taken.
The redivifion of the feacoaft was agreed upon. It was
now divided into eight parcels, inftead of twenty as at the
original abortive divifion of 1623; and thefe parcels were
affigned to eight feveral perfons, among whom were the
Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, and the Earls of
Arundel, Carlifle and Sterling. Arundel alone of thefe was

one

1 Bradford, pp. 329-30.

Of Merry-Mount 7 1

one of the Lords Commiffioners. Gorges received Maine
as his portion ; and Mafon got New Hampfhire and Cape
Ann. Maffachufetts, fouth of Salem, was affigned to Lord
Gorges.

The divifion thus agreed on was to take effect fimultane-
oufly with the formal furrender by the Council of its great
patent. Ten weeks later, on the 18th of April, at another
meeting at Lord Gorges's houfe, a paper was read and en-
tered upon the records, in which the reafons for furrender-
ing the patent were fet forth. At a fubfequent meeting on
the 26th a petition to the King was approved, in which it
was prayed that feparate patents might be iffued fecuring to
the affociates in feveralty the domains they had affigned to
each other. A declaration from the King was alfo then
read, in which the royal intention of appointing Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges governor-general of New England was for-
mally announced. Speaking by the mouth of the King, the
Primate did not propofe " to fuffer fuch numbers of people to
run to ruin, and to religious intents to languifh, for want of
timely remedy and fovereign affiftance." Curioufly enough,
alfo, this typically Laudian fentiment was enunciated at
Whitehall the very day, the 26th of April, 1635, upon which,
on the other fide of the Atlantic, the Marblehead fifliermen
had brought in word of ftrange veffels hovering myfte-
rioufly upon the coaft, caufmg the Governor and affirmants
to hurry to Bofton and an alarm to be fpread through all
the towns.1

Before proceeding to eject the prefent occupants of the

New

1 Supra, p. 66. Winthrop, vol. i. p. *i$7.

72 Thomas Morto7i

New England foil, or to force them to fome compromife as
an alternative thereto, it remained for the grantees of the
now defunct Council to perfect their new titles. Proceed-
ings to this end were not delayed. The divifion had been
agreed upon on the 3d of February, and on the 26th of
April the new patents had been petitioned for. Ten days
later Thomas Morton was " entertained to be folicitor for
confirmation of the faid deeds under the great feal, as alfo
to profecute fuit at law for the repealing of the patent be-
longing to the Maffachufetts Company. And is to have for
fee twenty millings a term, and fuch further reward as
thofe who are interefted in the affairs of New England mall
think him fit to deferve, upon the judgment given in the
caufe." A month later, on the 7th of June, 1635, the formal
furrender of its patent by the Council took place.1

Morton, however, was not deftined to land at Boflon in
the train of Governor-general Gorges. The effort of 1634-5
was a mere repetition, on a larger and more impreffive fcale,
of the effort of 1623. The latter had refulted in the abor-
tive Robert Gorges expedition, and the former now fet all
the courts at Weftminfter in folemn action. Neither of
them, however, came to anything. They both failed, alfo,
from the fame caufe, — want of money. The machinery in
each cafe was impofmg, and there was a great deal of it.
Seen from New England it mufl have appeared fimply over-
powering. The King, the Primate, the Lords Commiffion-
ers, the Attorney General, the Court of King's Bench, the
Great Seal, and a governor-general reprefenting the Duke

1 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401 n. Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 341.

Of Merry-Mount j$

of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton and the Earls of Arundel,
Carlifle and Sterling, royal proprietors, were all at work
together to bring about the deftruction of an infant colony.
When, however, it came to accomplishing anything in a
practical way, it grew apparent by degrees that behind all
this tremendous difplay of machinery there was nothing but
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, — an active-minded, adventurous
foldier, {killed in Court ways, perfiftent and full of refource,
but with fmall means of his own, and no faculty of obtaining
means from others. When it became therefore a qUeflion
of real action, calling for the finews of war, the movement
flopped dead in 1635, juft as it had flopped in 1623. In
1635 it is true, Gorges had the affiftance of Captain John
Mafon, who was an energetic man with means at his com-
mand, and it was through him that a fliip was to be pro-
vided.1 The building of this fhip, however, without doubt
{trained to the utmoft the refources of all concerned; and
when, in launching, it fuffered a mifhap, again probably
from infufficient means, they could not make the damage
good. The royal exchequer was then as empty as Gorges's
own purfe. The King was living on benevolences, and on
fines levied upon the great nobles for encroachments on the
royal forefts. The writs to collect fhip-money were iffued
in this very year. The next year public offices were fold.
Under thefe circumftances no affiftance could for the pref-
ent be looked for from Charles or Laud. As for the noble
affociates, among whom the New England coaft had juft
been parcelled out, while perfectly willing to accept great

domains

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *i6i, *i87.

74 Thomas Morton

domains in America, they would venture nothing more to
take actual poffeffion of them in 1635 than they had ven-
tured in 1623. Nothing at all was to be obtained from that
quarter. Speaking of Gorges and Mafon, and the failure
of their plans at this time, Winthrop wrote, " The Lord
fruftrated their dengn." This was the pious way of putting
it. In point of fact, however, the real fafety of Maffachu-
fetts now depended on more homely and every-day consid-
erations. Gorges and Mafon could not raife the money abfo-
lutely neceffary to carry their defign out.

Neverthelefs, though this delay was difappointing, there
was no occahon for defpair. Things moved flowly; that
was all. Gorges reprefented the New England part of that
royal fyftem which was to ftand or fall as a whole. In the
fpring and fummer of 1635 it looked very much as if it
was deftined to ftand. There was then no thought of a
parliament at Court, or expectation of one among the pat-
riots. The crown lawyers were hunting up precedents which
would enable the King to levy taxes to fuit himfelf. Went-
worth had brought Ireland into a ftate of perfect fubjection.
Laud was fupreme in England. The profpects for " Thor-
ough " were never fo good. If " Thorough " prevailed in
England it would in Maffachufetts. There could be no
doubt of that. Meanwhile, though lack of ready means
had put it out of Gorges's power to go to New England at
once, there was no break or delay in legal proceedings. In
June, 1635, the attorney-general filed in the King's Bench a
writ of quo wwranto againft the Maffachufetts Bay Com-
pany. This was the work which Thomas Morton had a
month before been " entertained to profecute," and the

promptnefs

Of Merry-Mount 75

promptnefs of the attorney-general would feem to indicate
that on Morton's part at leafl there was no failure in activ-
ity. The plan was to fet the charter afide, not becaufe of
any abufe of the powers lawfully conferred in it, but on
the ground that it was void ab initio. Every title to land
held under it would thus be vitiated. In anfwer to the fum-
mons fome of the original affociates came in and pleaded,
while others made default. Cradock made default. In his
cafe, therefore, judgment was given at the Michaelmas, or
September term, 1635, and the charter was declared void,
all the franchifes conveyed in it being refumed by the King.1
This portion of the legal work in hand, therefore, that
more particularly entrufted to Morton, feems to have been
promptly and efficiently done. As refpecls the patents for
the domains granted under the laft partition, things do not
feem to have moved fo rapidly, for towards the clofe of No-
vember a meeting of the affociates of the now diffolved
Council was held at the houfe of Lord Sterling, and a vote
paffed that fteps mould be taken to get patents to the
individual patentees paffed the feals as foon as poffible.
Morton was in fact, reminded of his duties.

A heavy blow was however impending over Gorges. He
himfelf was now an elderly man, verging clofe upon feventy
years.2 He could not have been as active and as ener-
getic

1 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 403. Mem. Hijl. was among the prifoners taken by Fair-
of Boflon, vol. i. p. 343. fax when he ftormed Briftol in Septem-

2 In January, 1640, Richard Vines ber, 1645. (ill. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol.
wrote to Governor Winthrop, of Sir Fer- iii. p. 342.) He mull, however, have
dinando, that he was then "nere 80 then been a very old man, as fifty-four
yeares ould." (iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. years before, in 1591, he had diftin-
vii. p. 342.) This can hardly be cor- guifhed himfelf at the fiege of Rouen,
reel;, however, as fubfequently he ferved in Effex's Englifh contingent. (Deve-
on the royal fide in the civil wars, and reux's Earls of Effex, vol. i. p. 271).

76 Thomas Morton

getic as he once had been, and even his fanguine difpo-
fition mufl have felt the ufual depreffing influence of hope
long deferred. Mafon had of late been the mainftay of
his enterprife. Only a year before, that refolute man had
fent out a large expedition, numbering fome feventy men, to
Pifcataqua, and he was contemplating extenfive explorations
towards Lake Champlain. Morton eulogized him as a " very
good Commonwealth's man, a true fofter-father and lover of
virtue," x and Winthrop referred to him as " the chief mover
in all the attempts againft us."2 In December, 1635, Mafon
died,3 and not improbably it was the anticipation of his death
which led to that meeting of the Council at which the fpeedy
iffuing of the individual patents was urged. However this
may be, the lofs of Mafon feems to have been fatal to Gor-
ges's hopes ; it was the lopping off of the right arm of his
undertakings. From that time forward there was obvioufly
no fource from which he could hope to get the money
neceffary to enable him to effedt anything, except the royal
treafury. Of this, for two or three years yet, until the
Scotch troubles deftroyed the laft chance of the fuccefs of
the (hip-money fcheme, there feemed a very good profpecl:.
Gorges, however, could not afford to wait. His remaining
time was fhort. Accordingly, after Mafon's death, little is
heard of him or of the Lords Commiffioners.

During the next feven years, confequently, the traces of
Morton are few. There is a paffing glimpfe obtained of
him in March, 1636, through a letter from Cradock to Win-
throp,

1 Infra, *98. alfo referred to in the fame work, vol.

2 See further on this fubject, Win- ii. p. *I2.

throp, vol. i. pp. *i6i, *i87 ; which is 8 Hazard, vol. i. p. 400.

Of Merry-Mount, 7 7

throp,1 from which it appears he was then in London and
actively fcheming againft the Maffachufetts Company. He
would feem at this time to have been in the pay of one
George Cleaves, a man of fome importance and fubfe-
quently quite prominent in the early hiftory of Maine.
Cleaves apparently had propofed fome fcheme to Cradock
touching the Maffachufetts Company, and Morton came to
fee him about it. Thereupon Cradock fays, " I having no
defire to fpeak with Morton alone put him off a turn or
two on the exchange, till I found Mr. Pierce," etc. Fur-
ther on in the fame letter he fpeaks of his " greyffe and
difdayne " at the abufe heaped on the Company, and of the
" heavey burdens, there lode on me by T. M. ; " and adds,
" God forgive him that is the caufe of it."

Early in 1637, and in confequence probably of the quo
warranto proceedings, a commiflion of fome fort would
appear to have been granted to certain perfons in New
England for the government of that country.2 How or under
what circumflances this was obtained is nowhere told.
There is a myftery about it. Gorges afterwards affured
Winthrop that he knew nothing of it,3 and only a copy ever
reached America, the original, Winthrop fays, being " ftaid
at the feal for want of paying the fees." He further fays
that Cleaves procured this commiffion, as alfo a fort of
patent, or, as he calls it, " a protection under the privy fignet
for fearching out the great lake of Iracoyce." From all
this it would appear that the whole thing was fome impotent
and inconfequential move on the part of Morton ; for not

only

1 iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 127. 3 iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vii. p. 330.

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *z^i.

78 Thomas Morton

only does Winthrop fay that the document was " ftaid at the
feal," but Cradock wrote that the matter in reference to
which Morton wanted to fee him, on behalf of Cleaves, re-
lated to paying the charge " in taking out fomewhat under
the feale." Gorges fpeaks of Morton as being at that time
Cleaves's agent ; and in the New Canaan, which either had
juft been published or was then in the prefs, there is a
glowing account of the " great lake Erocoife," and its bound-
lefs wealth of beaver,1 to which apparently the imaginative
author had directed Cleaves's attention fufBciently to in-
duce him to take out the " protection " which Winthrop
alludes to.

The year 1637 was the turning-period in the fortunes of
King Charles and of Archbifhop Laud, and confequently of
Gorges and Morton. Up to that time everything had gone
fufficiently well, if not in Maffachufetts, at leaft in England,
Ireland, and even Scotland. Now, however, the fyftem began
to break down ; giving way firft, as would naturally enough
be the cafe, at its weakeft point. This was in Scotland, where
the attempt to force Epifcopacy on the people refulted
in the famous " flony Sabbath " on the 23d of July. The
New Canaan was probably going through the prefs during
the deceitful period of profound calm which preceded that
eventful day. Though now publifhed, there is ftrong inter-
nal evidence that the book was written in 1634. Not only
does this appear from the extract from its lalt page in the
letter to Jeffreys, already referred to,2 but in another place3
there is reference to the expedition of Henry Joffelyn for

the

1 Infra, *96-ioo. 8 Infra, *98.

2 Supra, 62, n.

Of Merry-Mount. 79

the more complete difcovery of Lake Champlain, which is
mentioned as then in preparation. Henry Joffelyn left
England about the time Morton was writing to Jeffreys, or
a little earlier, and reached Pifcataqua in June, 1634.1
Mafon, on the other hand, is mentioned as then living,
and as having fitted out the expedition of Joffelyn. Mafon,
however, it has already been feen, died in December, 1635.
Written confequently after May, 1634, the New Canaan, it
would feem, received no revifion later than 1635. ^ repre-
fented Morton's feelings during the time when he was moft
confident of an early and triumphant return to New Eng-
land. It was publifhed juft when the affairs of Charles and
Laud were at their full flood, and before the tide had begun
to ebb.

No mention is found of the New Canaan at the time of
its publication. It is not known, indeed, that a fingle copy
was fent out to New England. Though it muft have caufed
no little comment and fcandal among the friends and cor-
refpondents of the colonifts, there is no allufion to it in their
publifhed letters or in the documents of the time, and in 1644
Winthrop apparently had never feen it. Bradford energeti-
cally refers to it as " an infamoufe and fcurillous booke
againft many godly and cheefe men of the cuntrie ; full
of lyes and flanders, and fraight with profane callumnies
againft their names and perfons, and the ways of God." 2 A
copy of it may, therefore, have been brought over to Ply-
mouth by one of the agents of the colony, and there paffed
from hand to hand. It does not appear, however, that at

the

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I37. 2 Bradford, p. 254.

So Thomas Morton

the time it attracted any general or confiderable notice in
America ; while in England, of courfe, it would have inter-
ested only a fmall clafs of perfons.

There is one fignificant reference which would feem to
indicate that the publication of the New Canaan was not
agreeable to Gorges. However much he might attack the
charter of the Maffachufetts Company, Sir Ferdinando al-
ways iliowed himfelf anxious to keep on friendly terms with
the leading men of the colony. In the Brief e Narration
he takes pains to fpeak of " the patience and wifdom of
Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Humphreys, Mr. Dudley, and others
their affiftants ; " * and with Winthrop he was in correfpon-
dence, even authorizing him and others to act for him in
Maine. He deceived no one by this, for Winthrop after-
wards defcribed him as "pretending by his letters and
fpeeches to feek our welfare ; " 2 but he evidently had always
in mind that he was to go out fome day to New England
as a eovernor-o^eneral, and that it would not do for him to
be too openly hoftile to thofe over whom he propofed to rule.
He regarded them as his people. When, therefore, he had
occafion to write to Winthrop in Auguft, 1637, though he
made no reference to the New Canaan, which had probably
been publifhed early in the year, he took pains to fay that
Morton was " wholely cafheered from intermedlinge with
anie our affaires hereafter."3

It is however open to queftion whether, in making this
fhatement, Gorges was not praclifing a little of that king-
craft for which his mafter, James I., had been fo famous. In

1637

1 in. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 81. 8 IV. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vii. p.

2 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *I2. 331.

Of Merry-Mount 8 1

1637 Morton may have been in difgrace with him ; but if
fo it was a paffing difgrace. Four years later, in 1641, Sir
Ferdinando, as " Lord of the Province of Maine," indulged
his paffion for feudal regulation by granting a municipal
charter to the town of Acomenticus, now York. A formi-
dable document of great import, this momentous ftate paper
was figned and delivered by the Lord Paramount, much as
an Englifh fovereign might have granted a franchife to his
faithful city of London ; and accordingly it was counter-
figned by three witneffes, one of them a member of his own
family. Firft of the three witneffes to fign was Thomas
Morton.1 He evidently was in no difgrace then.

With the exception of this fignature to the Acomenticus
charter, there is no trace to be found of Morton between
Auguft 1637, when Gorges wrote that he had " cafheered "
him, and the fummer of 1643, when he reappeared once
more at Plymouth. During the whole of that time things
evidently went with him, as they did with Charles and Laud,
from bad to worfe. Once only had the Lords Commiffioners
given any figns of life. This was in the fpring of 1638,
when on the 4th of April the Board met at Whitehall. The
record of the meeting ftates that petitions and complaints
from Maffachufetts, for want of a fettled and orderly govern-
ment, were growing more frequent. This is very poffible,
for the Antinomian Controverfy was then at its height,
and indeed, the very day the Lords Commiffioners met, Mrs.
Hutchinfon, having left Bolton in obedience to Governor
Winthrop's mandate a week before, was on her way to join

her

1 Hazard, vol. i. p. 474.

82 Thomas Morto7t

her hufband and friends in Rhode Ifland. Under thefe cir-
cumftances, calling to mind the futile order for the return of
the charter, fent to Winthrop in 1634 through Cradock, and
taking official notice of the refult of the quo warranto pro-
ceedings, the Board refolved upon a more decided tone.
The clerk in attendance was inftructed to fend out to Maffa-
chufetts a peremptory demand for the immediate furrender
of the charter. It was to be fent back to London by the
return voyage of the veffel which carried out the miffive of
the Board ; " it being refolved," fo that miffive ran, " that
in cafe of any further neglecl or contempt by them fhewed
therein, their Lordfhips will caufe a Uriel; courfe to be
taken againfl them, and will move his Majefty to reaffume
into his own hands the whole plantation." l

If, as was probably the cafe, Morton was the fecret mover
of this aclion, it proved to be his laft effort. It was com-
pletely fruitlefs alfo. When the order reached Bofton, fome-
time in the early fummer of 1638, it naturally caufed no
little alarm, for the apprehenfion of a general governor
had not yet difappeared. Indeed, on the 12th of April,
" a general faft [had been] kept through all the churches, by
advice from the Court, for feeking the Lord to prevent evil
that we feared to be intended againft us from England by a
general governor."2 With the miffive of the Lords Com-
miffioners, however, came alfo tidings of " the troubles which
arofe in Scotland about the Book of Common Prayer and
the canons which the King would have forced upon the
Scotch churches." 3 The refult was that in Auguft, inftead

1 Hutchinfon's State Papers., p. 106. 3 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *266.

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *264-

Of Merry- Mount 83

of fending out the charter, Governor Winthrop, at the direc-
tion of the General Court, wrote " to excufe our not fending
of it ; for it was refolved to be beft not to fend it." 1

Archbifhop Laud molefted the colony no further. Doubt-
lefs Morton yet endeavored more than once to ftir him up
to action, and the next year he received from New England
other and bitter complaints of the fame character as thofe
which had come to him before. This time it was the Rev.
George Burdet — a difreputable clergyman, fubfequently a
thorn in Gorges's fide as now in that of Winthrop — who
wrote to him. The haraffed and anxious Primate could,
however, only reply that " by reafon of the much bufmefs
now lay upon them, [the Lords Commiffioners] could not
at prefent . . . redrefs fuch diforders as he had informed
them of."2 Events in England and Scotland were then
moving on rapidly as well as fteadily to their outcome, and
Maffachufetts was bidden to take care of itfelf.

Nothing more is heard of Morton until the fummer of
1643. The Civil War was then dragging along in its earlier
flages, before Fairfax and Cromwell put their hands to it.
It was the fummer during which Prince Rupert took Brifhol
and the flrft battle of Newbury was fought, — the fummer
made memorable by the deaths of Hampden and Falkland.
Gorges had identified himfelf with the Royalift fide, and now
Morton feems to have been fairly ftarved out of England.
When or how he came to Plymouth we do not know ; but,
on the nth of September, Edward Winilow, whom he had
eight years before " clapte up in the Fleete," 3 thus wrote to

Winthrop : —

" Concerning

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *26g. 2 lb., p. *298. 3 Bradford, p. 375.

Thomas Morton

" Concerning Morton, our Governor gave way that he fhould winter here,
but begone as foon as winter breaks up. Captain Standifh takes great offence
thereat, efpecially that he is fo near him as Duxbury, and goeth fometimes a
fowling in his ground. He cannot procure the leaft refpecl amongft our peo-
ple, liveth meanly at four fhillings per week, and content to drink water, fo
he may diet at that price. But admit he hath a protection, yet it were worth
the while to deal with him till we fee it. The truth is I much queftion his
pretended employment ; for he hath here only fhowed the frame of a Com-
mon-weale and fome old fealed commiffions, but no infide known. As for
Mr. Rigby if he be fo honeft, good and hopefull an inftrument as report
paffeth on him, he hath good hap to light on two of the arranteft known
knaves that ever trod on New Englifh fhore to be his agents eaft and weft,
as Cleaves and Morton : but I fhall be jealous on him till I know him better,
and hope others will take heed how they truft him who invefteth fuch with
power who have devoted themfelves to the ruin of the country, as Morton
hath. And for my part, (who if my heart deceive me not can pafs by all the
evil inftrumentally he brought on me,) would not have this ferpent ftay
amongft us, who out of doubt in time will get ftrength to him if he be fuffered,
who promifeth large portions of land about New Haven, Narraganfett, &c,
to all that will go with him, but hath a promife but of one perfon who is old,
weak and decrepid, a very atheift and fit companion for him. But, indeed,
Morton is the odium of our people at prefent, and if he be fuffered, (for we
are diverfely minded,) it will be jufl with God, who hath put him in our hands
and we will fofter fuch an one, that afterward we fhall fuffer for it." 1

The Rigby referred to in this letter was Mr. Alexander
Rigby, an Englifh gentleman of wealth who, befides being
a ftrong Puritan, was a member of the Long Parliament,
and at one time held a commiffion as colonel in the army.
Cleaves was the George Cleaves already mentioned as having
come out in 1637, with a protection under the privy fignet.2
He had then appeared as an agent of Gorges, but fubfe-

quently

1 iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 175. 2 Supra, p. 77.

Of Merry-Mount. 8 5

quently he had got poffeffion in Maine of the " Plough patent,"
fo called, under which the title to a large part of the prov-
ince was claimed adverfely to Gorges.1 This patent Cleaves
induced Rigby to buy, and the latter was now endeavoring
to get his title recognized, and ultimately fucceeded in fo
doing. Cleaves, as well as Morton, enjoyed the reputation

of being " a firebrand of diffenfion,"2 and the two had long
acted together. As Gorges had joined his fortunes to the
Royalift fide, Morton clearly had nothing to gain by pretend-
ing at Plymouth to be his agent or under his protection.
So he feems to have tried to pafs himfelf off as a Common-
wealth's man, commiffioned by Rigby to act in his behalf.
Window was probably quite right in fufpecting that this was
all a pretence. Rigby's claim was for territory in Maine. It
is not known that he ever had any interefts in Rhode Ifland
or Connecticut. There can, in fhort, be little doubt that
Morton was now nothing more than a poor, broken-down,
difreputable, old impoftor, with fome empty envelopes and
manufactured credentials in his pocket.

At Plymouth, as would naturally be fuppofed, Morton
made no headway. But the province of Maine was then in
an uneafy, troubled condition, and there was reported to be
a firong party for the king in the neighborhood of Cafco
Bay. Thither accordingly Morton feems to have gone in
June, 1644.3 His movements were clofely watched, and En-
dicott was notified that he would go by fea to Gloucefter,

hopin

1 See Mr. Deane's note on the riofities of Literature, vol. iii. p. 488)

" Plough patent," in iv. Mafs. Hijl. gives a fingular anecdote of Rigby.

Coll., vol. vii. pp. 88-96. Alfo the note 2 iv. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. vii. p. 343.

on Cleaves, lb. p. 363. D'Ifraeli (Cu- 3 iv. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 148.

86 Thomas Morton

hoping to get a paffage from thence to the eaftward. A
warrant for his arreft was at once defpatched, but apparently
he eluded it ; nor if he went there, which, indeed, is doubt-
ful, did Morton long remain in Maine. In Auguft he was
in Rhode Ifland, and on the 5th of that month he is thus
alluded to in a letter from Coddington to Winthrop : —

" For Morton he was [infinuating] who was for the King at his firft com-
ing to Portfmouth, and would report to fuch as he judged to be of his mind
he was glad [to meet with] fo many cavaliers ; . . . and he had lands to
difpofe of to his followers in each Province, and from Cape Ann to Cape Cod
was one. . . . And that he had wrong in the Bay [to the] value of two hun-
dred pounds, and made bitter complaints thereof. But Morton would let it
reft till the Governor came over to right him ; and did intimate he knew
whofe roaft his fpits and jacks turned." 1

Profpering in Rhode Ifland no more than at Plymouth,
Morton is next heard of as a priibner in Bofton. How he
came within the clutches of the Maffachufetts magiflrates is
not known ; his neceffities or his affurance may have carried
him to Bofton, or he may have been pounced upon by Endi-
cott's officers as he was furtively paffing through the prov-
ince. In whatever way it came about, he was in cuftody on
the 9th of September, juft five weeks from the time of Cod-
dington's letter to Winthrop, and the latter then made the
following entry in his Journal : 2 —

" At the court of affiftants Thomas Morton was called forth prefently after
the lecture, that the country might be fatisfied of the juftice of our proceed-
ing againft him. There was laid to his charge his complaint againft us at
the council board, which he denied. Then we produced the copy of the bill
exhibited by Sir Chriftopher Gardiner, etc., wherein we were charged with
treafon, rebellion, etc., wherein he was named as a party or witnefs. He

denied
1 Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 147, n. 2 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *i8q.

Of Merry- Mount. Sy

denied that he had any hand in the information, only was called as a witnefs.
To convince him to be the principal party, it was mowed : i . That Gardiner
had no occafion to complain againft us, for he was kindly ufed and difmiffed
in peace, profefTing much engagement for the great courtefy he found here.
2. Morton had fet forth a book againft us, and had threatened us, and had
profecuted a quo warranto againft us, which he did not deny. 3. His letter
was produced,1 written foon after to Mr. Jeffreys, his old acquaintance and
intimate friend."

This paffage is chara6teriftic both of the man and of the
time. The prifoner now arraigned before the magiftrates
had, fourteen years before, been arrefted, and banifhed ; he
had been fet in the flocks, all his property had been confif-
cated, and his houfe had been burned down before his eyes.
He had been fent back to England, under a warrant, to ftand
his trial for crimes it was alleged he had committed. In
England he had been releafed from imprifonment in due
courfe of law. Having now returned to Maffachufetts, he
was brought before the magiftrates, " that the country might
be fatisfied of the juftice of our proceeding againft him."
As the refult of this proceeding, which broke down for want
of proof, the alleged offender is again imprifoned, heavily
fined, and narrowly efcapes a whipping. Under all thefe
circumftances, it becomes interefting to inquire what the
exact offence alleged againft him was. It was ftated by Win-
throp. He had made a " complaint againft us at the council
board."

" The council board " thus referred to was the royal Privy
Council. It reprefented the king, the fupreme power in
the itate, the fource from whence the charter of the Maffachu-
fetts

1 Supra, 61-3.

88 Thomas Morton

fetts Bay Company was derived. The complaint, therefore,
charged to have been made, was made to the common fupe-
rior, and it alleged the abufe, by an inferior, of certain powers
and privileges which that fuperior had granted. It would
feem to have been no eafy taik for the magiftrates to point
out, either to the prifoner or to the country it was propofed
to fatisfy, any prefcriptive law, much lefs any penal ftatute,
which made a criminal offence out of a petition to the
acknowledged fupreme power in the ftate, even though that
petition fet forth the alleged abufe of charter privileges.

But it is not probable that this view of the matter ever
even fuggefted itfelf to Winthrop and his affociates. It
does not feem even to have been urged upon them by the
prifoner. On the contrary he appears to have accepted the
inevitable, and practically admitted that a complaint to the
king was in Maffachufetts, as Burdet had fome years before
afferted, " accounted a perjury and treafon in our general
courts,"1 punifhable at the difcretion of the magiftrates.
Morton, therefore, denied having made the complaint, and
the magiftrates were unable to prove it againft him. The
moit fmgular and unaccountable feature in the proceedings
is that the New Canaan was not put in evidence. Appar-
ently there was no copy of it to be had. Could one have
been produced, it is fcarcely poffible that the avowed author
of the libellous ftrictures on Endicott, then himfelf governor,
fhould have efcaped condign punifhment of fome fort from
a bench of Puritan magiftrates. But Winthrop merely men-
tions that he had " fet forth a book again!! us," and Mave-
rick

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *298.

Of Merry -Mount. 89

rick fays that this was denied and could not be proved.1 Had
a copy of the New Canaan then been at hand, either in
Bofton or at Plymouth, a glance at the titlepage would have
proved who " fet [it] forth " beyond poffibility of denial.

The only entry in the Maffachufetts records relating to
this proceeding is as follows : —

" For anfwer to Thomas Morton petition, the magiftrates have called him
publicly, and have laid divers things to his charge, which he denies ; and
therefore they think fit that further evidence be fent for into England, and
that Mr Downing may have inftructions to fearch out evidence againft him,
and he to lie in prifon in the mean time, unlefs he find fufficient bail." 2

This entry is from the records of the General Court, held
in November 1644. Among the unpublifhed documents in
the Maffachufetts archives is yet another petition from Mor-
ton, bearing no date, but, from the endorfement upon it, evi-
dently fubmitted to the General Court of May, 1645, fix
months later, when Dudley was governor. This petition is as
follows : —

To the honored Court at Bofton affembled:

The humble petition of Thomas Morton, prifoner.

Your petitioner craveth the favour of this honored Court to caft back
your eies and behould what your poore petitioner hath fuffered in thefe
parts.

Firft, the petitioner's houfe was burnt, and his goodes taken away.

Secondly, his body clapt into Irons, and fent home in a defperat fhip,
unvittled, as if he had been a man worthy of death, which appeared con-
trary when he came there.

Now the petitioner craves this further that you would be pleafed to con-
fider what is laid againft him : (taking it for granted to be true) which is
not proved : whether fuch a poore worme as I had not fome caufe to crawle
out of this condition above mentioned. Thirdlv

1 N. Y. Hifl. Soc. Coll., 1869, p. 40. 2 Records, vol. ii. p. 90.

90 Thomas Morton

Thirdly, the petitioner craves this favoure of you, as to view his actions
lately towards New England, whether they have not been ferviceable to
fome gentlemen in the country ; but I will not praife my felfe.

Fourthly, the petitioner coming into thefe parts, which he loveth, on
godly gentlemen's imployments, and your worfhipps having a former jelofy
of him, and a late untrue intelligence of him, your petitioner has been im-
prifoned manie Moneths and laid in Irons to the decaying of his Limbs ;
Let your petitioner finde foe much favoure, as to fee that you can paffe by
former offence, which finding the petitioner hopes he fhall ftand on his
watch to doe you fervice as God fhall enable him.

Upon this document, certainly humble enough in tone,
appear the following endorfements : —

The houfe of Deputies defire the honored magifbrates to return them a
reafon, wherefore the petitioner came not to his triall the laft quarter
Courte according to graunte (as they conceave) of a former petition pre-
sented to the Courte by him.

ROBT. BRIDGES.

The reafon why he came not to his tryall was the not cominge of evi-
dence out of England againft him which we expect by the next fliip.

THO: DUDLEY Gov

The houfe of Deputies have made choyce of Major Gibbons, and Captain

Jennifon to treate with the honored magistrates about this petition of

Morton.

ROBT. BRIDGES.

Singularly enough the Major Gibbons to whom Morton's
petition was thus referred had, in former years, been one of
his followers at Merry- Mount. He was a man of ability
and energy, the whole of whofe lingular career, as traced in
an interefting note of Palfrey's, will not bear a too clofe
fcrutiny.1 At the time of Morton's arreft by Miles Standifh,

1 Hift. of New England, vol. ii. p. 225.

Of Merry-Mount 9 1

in 1629, Gibbons was probably one of thofe belonging to the
Merry-Mount company who had then "gone up into the in-
lands to trade with the favages."1 During that fummer he
experienced religion in a quite unexpected way, and now, in
1645, while his old mafter was rotting in the Bofton jail, Gib-
bons was a profperous merchant, a deputy to the General
Court, and "chief military officer of the train-band of the
town." Higher military honors and fevere bufinefs viciffi-
tudes were in ftore for him. It nowhere appears whether
under thefe circumftances Major Gibbons had either the
will or the ability to be of fervice to his former chief, and
Winthrop is the only authority for what remains of Morton's
ftory. It is foon told.

" Having been kept in prifon about a year in expectation of further evi-
dence out of England, he was again called before the court, and after fome
debate what to do with him, he was fined ioo pounds, and fet at liberty.
He was a charge to the country, for he had nothing, and we thought not
fit to inflict corporal punifhment upon him, being old and crazy, but thought
better to fine him and give him his liberty, as if it had been to procure his
fine, but indeed to leave him opportunity to go out of the jurifdiction, as
he did foon after, and he went to Acomenticus, and living there poor and
defpifed, he died within two years after." 2

Morton himfelf afferted that the harfh treatment he
underwent in prifon, while waiting for that evidence from
England which was to convict him of fome crime, broke
down his health and haftened his end. If he was indeed,
as Maverick fubfequently ftated,3 kept in jail and, as he
himfelf fays, in irons, through an entire New England

winter,

1 Infra, *I38. 8 New York Hijl. Soc. Coll., 1869, p. 40.

2 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *\yi.

92 Thomas Morton

winter, on the prifon fare of thofe days, and without either
fire or bedding, this feems wholly probable.

There was about Thomas Morton nothing- that was
remarkable. On the contrary he was one of a clafs of men
common enough in the days of Elizabeth and the Stuarts
to have found their way into the literature of the period, as
well as into that more modern romance which undertakes to
deal with it. It is the Alfatian Squire and Wildrake type.
Morton chanced to get out of place. He was a vulgar Roy-
alift libertine, thrown by accident into the midft of a Puritan
community. He was unable or unwilling to accept the
fituation, or to take himfelf off; and hence followed his
misfortunes and his notoriety. Had he in 1625, or even in
1629, gone to Virginia or to New York, he would have lived
in quiet and probably died in poverty, leaving nothing
behind to indicate that he had ever been. As it is, he
will receive a mention in every hiftory of America.

More recently alfo certain inveftigators, who have ap-
proached the fubje6t from a Church of England point of
view, have fhown fome difpofition to adopt Morton's caufe
as their own, and to attribute his perfecution, not to his
immoral life or illicit trade, but to his devotion to the Book
of Common Prayer.1 It is another article in the long im-
peachment of the founders of New England, and it has
even been alleged that " it ftill remains for Maffachufetts to
do juftice to Morton, who had his faults, though he was not

the

1 " It is undeniable that Morton be- Book." (Mag. of Amer. Hijl., vol. viii.
came an object of averfion largely for p. 83.)
the reafon that he ufed the Prayer

Of Merry-Mount. 93

the man his enemies, and notably Bradford, declared him
to be." l

The New Englifli Canaan is the beft and only conclufive
evidence on this point. In its pages Morton very clearly
fhows what he was, and the nature of " his faults." He
was a born Bohemian, and as he paffed on in life he became
an extremely recklefs but highly amufing old debauchee and
tippler. When he was writing his book, Archbifhop Laud
was the head of the board of Lords Commiffioners. On
the action of that board depended all the author's hopes.
In view of this fact, there are, in the New Canaan, few more
delightful or characleriftic paffages than that in which, de-
fcribing his arreft by Standifh, Morton announces that it was
" becaufe mine hofh was a man that endeavored to advance
the dignity of the Church of England ; which they, on the
contrary part, would labor to vilify with uncivil terms ; envy-
ing againft the facred Book of Common Prayer, and mine
hoft that ufed it in a laudable manner amongft his family
as a practice of piety." 2

The part he was endeavoring to play when he wrote this
paffage was one not very congenial to him, and he makes an
awkward piece of work of it. The, fudden tone of fancti-
mony which he infufes into the words quoted, hardly covers
up the leer and gufto with which he had juft been defcribing
the drunkennefs and debauchery of Merry-Mount, — how
" the good liquor " had flowed to all comers, while " the laffes

1 White's Memoirs of the Protejlant 2 Infra, *I38. See, alfo, *50, 332,
Epifcopal Church, p. xxii. n. See alfo note 2.
Oliver's Puritan Commonwealth, pp.
37-9-

94 Thomas Morton

in beaver-coats " had been welcome " night and day ; " how
" he that played Proteus, with the help of Priapus, put their
nofes out of joint; " and how that " barren doe " became fruit-
ful, who is myfterioufly alluded to as a " goodly creature of
incontinency " who had " tried a camp royal in other parts."
Though, from the point of view before alluded to, it has been
afferted that the Maffachufetts magiftrates " invented . . . in-
finuations refpecling [Morton's] treatment of [the Indian]
women, whom, in reality, he had fought to inftrucT: in the
principles of religion,"1 — though this and other fimilar
affertions have been made with apparent gravity, yet it is
impoffible to read the third book of the Neiv Canaan, fatu-
rated as it is with drunkennefs, ribaldry and fcofflng, with-
out coming to the conclufion that Don Quixote, Rabelais
and the Decameron are far more likely to have been in re-
queft at Merry-Mount than the Bible or the Book of Common
Prayer.

Not that the New Canaan is in itfelf an obfcene or even
a coarfe book. On the contrary, judged by the ftandard of
its time, it is Angularly the reverfe. Indeed it is almoft
wholly free from either word or allufion which would offend
the tafte of the prefent day. Yet the writer of the New
Canaan was none the lefs a fcoffer, a man of undevout
mind. As to the allegation that his devotion to the Church
of England and its ritual was the caufe of his arreft by the
Plymouth authorities, the anfwer is obvious and decifive.
Blackftone was an Epifcopalian, and a devout one, retaining
even in his wildernefs home the canonical coat which told of

his

1 Mag. of A met '. Hijl., vol. viii. p. 89.

Of Merry- Mount. 95

his calling.1 Maverick and Walford were Epifcopalians ;
they lived and died fuch. The fettlers at Weffaguffet were
Epifcopalians. In the dwellings of all thefe the religious
fervices of the times, cuftomary among Epifcopalians, were
doubtlefs obferved, for they were all religious men. Yet not
one of them was ever in any way molefted by the Plymouth
people ; but, on the contrary, they one and all received aid
and encouragement from Plymouth. Epifcopalians as they
were, they all joined in dealing with Morton as a common
enemy and a public danger ; and fuch he unqueftionably
was. It was not, then, becaufe he made ufe of the Common
Prayer that he was firft driven from the Maffachufetts Bay ;
it was becaufe he was a nuifance and a fource of danger.
That fubfequently, and by the Maffachufetts authorities, he
was dealt with in a way at once high-handed and oppreffive,
has been fufflciently fhown in thefe pages. Yet it is by no
means clear that, under fimilar circumftances, he would not
have been far more feverely and fummarily dealt with at a
later period, when the dangers of a frontier life had brought
into ufe an unwritten code, which evinced even a lefs regard
for life than, in Morton's cafe, the Puritans evinced for
property.2

As a literary performance the New Canaan, it is unnecef-

fary

1 Wonder-Working Providence,^. 30. any great offence. His fun, his fongs

2 " Such a rake as Morton, fuch an and his revels were provoking enough,
addle-headed fellow as he reprefents no doubt. But his commerce with the
himfelf to be, could not be cordial with Indians in arms and ammunition, and
the firft people from Leyden, or with his inftruclions to thofe favages in the
thofe who came over with the patent, ufe of them, were ferious and danger-
from London or the Weft of England, ous offences, which ftruck at the lives
I can hardly conceive that his being a of the new-comers, and threatened the
Churchman, or reading his prayers from utter extirpation of all the plantations."
a Book of Common Prayer, could be {Notes of John Adams, 1802.)

96 Thomas Morton

fary to fay, has furvived through no merits of its own. While
it is, on the whole, a better written book than the Wonder-
Working Providence, it is not fo well written as Wood's
Profpecl ; and it cannot compare with what we have from the
pens of Smith or Gorges, — much lefs from thofe of Wrinf-
low, Winthrop and, above all, Bradford. Indeed, it is
amazing how a man who knew as much as Morton knew of
events and places now full of interefl, could have fat down
to write about them at all, and then, after writing fo much,
have told fo little. Rarely ftating anything quite correctly,
— the moft carelefs and flipfhod of authors, — he took a
pofitive pleafure in concealing what he meant to fay under
a cloud of metaphor. Accordingly, when printed, the New
Canaan fell ftill-born from the prefs, the only contemporane-
ous trace of it which can be found in Englifli literature
being Butler's often quoted paffage in Hudibras, in which
the Weffaguffet hanging is alluded to.1 It is even open to
queflion whether this reference was due to Butler's having
read the book. The paffage referred to is in the fecond
part of Hudibras, which was not publifhed until 1664,
twenty-feven years after the publication of the New Canaan.
It is perfectly poffible that Butler may have known Morton ;
for in 1637 the future author of Hudibras was already
twenty-five years old, and Morton lingered about London
for fix or feven years after that. There are indications that
he knew Ben Jonfon ; 2 and, indeed, it is fcarcely poffible that
with his fenfe of humor and convivial taftes Morton mould
not often have met the poets and playwrights of the day at

the

1 Infra, 249-52, and note. 2 Infra, 290, note.

Of Merry-Mount 97

the Mermaid. If he and the author of Hudibras ever did
chance to meet, they muft have proved congenial fpirits, for
there is much that is Hudibraftic in the New Canaan. Not
impoflibly, therefore, the idea of a vicarious New England
hanging dwelt for years in the brain of Butler, not as the
reminifcence of a paffage he had read in fome forgotten
book, but as a vague recollection of an amufing flory which
he had once heard Morton tell.

It is, indeed, the author's fenfe of humor, jufl alluded to,
which gives to the New Canaan its only real diftinclion
among the early works relating to New England. In this
refpecl it ftands by itfelf. In all the reft of thofe works, one
often meets with paffages of fimplicity, of pathos and of
great defcriptive power, — never with anything which was
both meant to raife a fmile, and does it. The writers feemed
to have no fenfe of humor, no perception of the ludicrous.
Bradford, for inftance, as a paffage " rather of mirth than
of weight," defcribes how he put a flop to the Chriftmas
games at Plymouth in 162 1. There is a grim folemnity in
his very chuckle. Winthrop gives a long account of the
penance of Captain John Underhill, as he flood upon a ftool
in the church, " without a band, in a foul linen cap pulled
clofe to his eyes," and " blubbering," confeffed his adultery
with the cooper's wife.1 Yet he evidently recorded it with
unbroken gravity. Then, in 1644, he mentions that " two of
our minifters' fons, being ftudents in the college, robbed two
dvvelling-houfes, in the night, of fome 15 pounds. Being
found out, they were ordered by the governors of the col-

lege

1 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *I4-
13

98 Morton of Merry-Mount

lege to be there whipped, which was performed by the
prefident himfelf — yet they were about twenty years of
age." l If Morton had recorded this incident, he could not
have helped feeing a ludicrous fide to it, and he would have
expreffed it in fome humorous, or at leaft in fome grotefque
way. Winthrop faw the ferious fide of everything, and the
ferious fide only. In this he was like all the reft. Such
folemnity, fuch everlafting confcioufnefs of refponfibility to
God and man, is grand and perhaps impreffive ; but it
grows wearifome. It is pleafant to have it broken at laft,
even though that which breaks it is in fome repects not
to be commended. A touch of ribaldry becomes bearable.
Among what are called Americana, therefore, the New
Canaan is and will always remain a refrefhing book. It is
a connecting link. Poor as it may be, it is yet all we have
to remind us that in literature, alfo, Bradford and Winthrop
and Cotton were Englifhmen of the time of Shakefpeare and
Jonfon and Butler.

1 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *i66.

It remains only to fpeak of the bibliography of the New
Canaan, which at one time excited fome difcuffion, and of
the prefent edition. Written before the clofe of 1635, the
New Canaan was printed at Amfterdam in 1637. It has
been reprinted but once, — by Force, in the fecond volume of
his American Trails. The prefent is, therefore, the fecond
reprint, and the firft annotated edition. For a number of
years it was fuppofed that copies of the book were in ex-
igence with an alternative titlepage, bearing the imprint of
Charles Greene, and the date of 1632.1 This fuppofition
was, however, very carefully examined into by Mr. Winfor
in the Harvard University Library Bulletins (Nos. 9 and 10,
1878-9, pp. 196, 244), and found to be partially, at leaf!:,
groundlefs. It was due to the fact, that Force made his
reprint from a copy of the book in his collection, now in the
Library of Congrefs. That copy lacked a portion or the
whole of the titlepage ; and the miffing parts feem to have
been fupplied, without mention of the fact being made, from
the entry of the book under 1632 in White Kennet's Biblio-
thecce Americans Primordia. Apparently the error origi-
nated in the following way. The New Canaan was en-
tered for copyright in the Stationers' Regiflers in London,
November 18, 1633, m behalf of Charles Greene, the prin-
ter. There is no reafon to fuppofe that it was then com-
pleted

1 See Deane's note to Bradford, p. 254.

ioo Thomas Morton

pleted, as it may have been entered by its title alone. If it
was, however, completed in part in 1633, the internal evi-
dence is conclufive that it was both revifed1 and added to2
as late as 1634; and, indeed, the Board of Lords Commit
fioners for regulating Plantations, to which it is formally
dedicated, was not created until April 10th of that year.
Greene did not print the book; though, as will prefently
be feen, a certain number of copies may poffibly have been
ftruck off for him with titlepages of their own. The entry
in the Stationers' Regifters was, however, afterwards dis-
covered, and feems then to have fupplied by inference the
date of publication, which could not be learned from cer-
tain copies, the titlepages to which were defective or want-
ing. The dates given in Lowndes's Manual would feem to
be (imply incorrect:.3 Meanwhile, for reafons probably of
economy, though notice of publication had been given in
London, the book was actually printed in Holland, and the
regular titlepage reads : " Printed at Amfterdam by Jacob
Frederick Stam, in the year 1637." There are copies, how-
ever, the titlepages of which read : " Printed for Charles
Greene, and are fold in Pauls Churchyard," no date being
given.4 It is not known that thefe copies differ in any other
refpect from thofe bearing the ufual imprint. The conclu-
fion, therefore, would feem to be that, as already flated, a
number of copies may have been ftruck off for Greene
with a diftinct titlepage. Properly fpeaking, however, there

feems

1 Harvard Univ. Library Bulletin, 4 Mr. DeCofta fays that the title-
No. 10, p. 244. page of the copy in the Library of the

2 Supra, pp. 78-9. Society for the Propagation of the
8 Mag. of Amer. Hift., vol. viii. p. Gofpel reads in this way. Mag. of

94, n. Amer. Hifl., vol. viii. p. 94, n. 4.

Of Merry-Mou7/it. i o i

feems to have been but one edition of the book. With the
exception of the Force titlepage, which has been fliown
to be erroneous, there is no evidence of any copy being
in exiftence bearing an earlier date than the ufual one of
Amfterdam, 1637.

Copies of the New Canaan are extremely rare. Savage,
in his notes to Winthrop (vol. i. p. #34), faid that he had
then, before 1825, never heard of but one copy, "which was
owned by his Excellency John Q. Adams." It is from that
copy that the prefent edition is printed. Mr. Adams pur-
chafed it while in Europe prior to the year 1801. It was
that copy alfo which was temporarily depofited in the Bofton
Athenaeum in 18 10, as mentioned in the Monthly Anthology
of that date (vol. viii. p. 420), referred to in the Hai-vard
Univerjity Library Bulletin, (No. 9, p. 196). The Rev.
George Whitney, in his Hi/lory of Quincy written in 1826,
fays (p. 11) that another "copy was lately prefented to the
Adams Library of the town of Quincy by the Rev. Thaddeus
Mafon Harris." * In addition to thele, fome dozen or twenty
other copies in all are known to exiffc in various public and
private collections in America and Europe, feveral of which
are enumerated in the Library Bulletin juft referred to.

Very many of the errors both in typography and punctua-
tion, with which the New Canaan abounds, are obvioufly due
to the fact that it was printed in Amfterdam. The original
manufcript it would feem was no more legible than the manu-

fcript

1 This copy was in the Adams Li- other volumes and almoft innumerable

brary for many years, and until within a autographs, which formerly lent a pecu-

<mite recent period. It cannot, however, liar value to the John Adams Collection,

now (1882) be found. It would appear to given by him in 1822 to the town of

have been ftolen, together with many Quincy.

102 Thomas Morton

fcript of that period, as it has come down to us, is ufually
found to be. At beft it was not eafy to decipher. The
copy of the New Canaan was then put in the hands of a
compofitor imperfectly, if at all, acquainted with Englifh;
and, if the proof-fheets were ever corrected by any one, they
certainly were not corrected by the author or by a proof-
reader really familiar with his writing, or even with the
tongue in which he wrote. Accordingly pen flourifhes were
miftaken for punctuation marks, and thefe were inferted
without any regard to the context ; familiar words appeared
in unintelligible fhapes;1 fmall letters were miftaken for cap-
itals, and capitals for fmall letters, and one letter was con-
founded with another. In addition to thefe numerous mif-
takes in deciphering and following the manufcript, ordinary
typographical errors are not uncommon ; though in this
refpect the New Canaan is lefs marked by blemifhes than
under the circumftances would naturally be fuppofed.

Neither is this explanation of the curioufly bad prefs-
work of the New Canaan a mere conjecture. One other
compofition of Morton's has come down to us in the letter
to Jeffreys, preferved by Winthrop.2 Let any one compare
this letter with a chapter from the New Canaan, and he will
fee at once that, while both are manifeftly productions from
the fame pen, they have been preferved under wholly differ-
ent circumftances. Take, for inftance, the following identi-
cal paffages, — the one from the New Canaan and the other
from the letter to Jeffreys, and they will fufficiently illuftrate

this point.

NEW

1 " Mint and cumin" uniformly appears as "muit and cummin;" humming-
bird" as " hunning-bird." 2 Ante, pp. 61-3.

Of Merry-Mount.

103

LETTER TO JEFFREYS.

Savage's Winthrop, vol. ii. p.* 190.

So that now Jonas being fet afhore
may fafely cry, repent you cruel fep-
aratifts, repent, there are as yet but
forty days. If Jove vouchfafe to
thunder, the charter and kingdom of
the feparatifts will fall afunder. Re-
pent you cruel fchifmatics, repent.

NEW CANAAN.

Book hi. Chapter 31.

And now mine Hoft being merrily
difpofed, haveing paft many perillous
adventures in that defperat Whales
belly, beganne in a pofture like Ionas,
and cryed Repent you cruell Seperat-
ifts repent, there are as yet but 40.
dayes if love vouchfafe to thunder,
Charter and the Kingdome of the
Seperatifts will fall a hinder : Repent
you cruell Schifmaticks repent.

The letter to Jeffreys is curioufly chara&eriitic of Morton.
It is written in the fame inflated, metaphorical, enigmatic
ftyle as the New Canaan. It is, however, perfectly intelligi-
ble and even energetic. The reafon is obvious. It was cor-
rectly copied by a man who underftood what the writer was
faying. Accordingly it is as clear as Winthrop's own text.
The New Canaan would have been equally clear had it been
deciphered at the compofitor's form by a man with Win-
throp's familiarity with Englifh.

There is fome reafon to think that the fancy for exact
reproduction in typography has of late years been carried to
an extreme. Not only have peculiarities of fpelling, capital-
ization and type, which were really characteriftic of the paft,
been carefully followed, but abbreviations and figures have
been reproduced in type, which formerly were confined to
manufcripts, and are certainly never found in the better
printed books of the fame period. It is certainly defirable in

reprinting

104 Thomas Morton

reprinting quaint works, which it is not fuppofed will ever
pals into the hands of general readers, to have them appear
in the drefs of the time to which they belong. Indeed they
cannot be modernized in fpelling, the ufe of capitals, or
even, altogether, in punctuation, without lofing fomething
of their flavor. Yet, this notwithstanding, there is no good
reafon why grofs and manifeft blunders, due to the igno-
rance of compofitors and the careleffnefs of proof-readers,
mould be jealoully perpetuated as if they were facred things.
This affuredly is carrying the fpirit of faithful reproduction
to fanaticifm. It is Chinefe.

The rule followed, therefore, in the prefent edition has
been to reproduce the New Canaan as it appeared in the
Amfterdam edition of 1637, correcting only the punctuation,
and fuch errors of the prefs as are manifeft and unmiftaka-
ble. Very few changes have been made in the ufe of capi-
tals, and thofe only where it is obvious that a letter of one
kind in the copy was miftaken by the compofitor for a letter
of another kind. An example of this is found at the top of
page *I4, where " Captaine Davis' fate," in the author's
manufcript, is made to appear as " Captain Davis Fate," in
the original text. The compofitor evidently miftook the
fmaliyj written with the old-fafhioned flourifh, for an initial
capital. The fpelling has in no cafe been changed except
where the error, as in the cafe already cited of " muit " for
" mint," is manifeftly due to printers' blunders. Miftakes of
the prefs, fuch as " legg " for " logg " (p. *jj) and " vies " for
"eies " (p. %i 52), have been made right wherever they could
be certainly detected.

No conjectural readings whatever have been inferted in

the

Of Merry- Mount i o 5

the text. The few paffages, not more than four or five in
number, in which, owing probably to the failure of the com-
pofitor to decipher manufcript, the meaning of the original
is not clear, are reproduced exactly. No liberties whatever
have been taken with the original edition in thefe cafes, and
all gueffes which are indulged in as to the author's mean-
ing, whether by the editor or others, are confined to the
notes. In a few places the text is obvioufly deficient.
Words neceffary to the meaning are omitted in printing.
Wherever thefe have been conjecturally inferted, the inferted
words are in brackets. In a very few cafes, words, which
could clearly have found their way into the original only
through inadvertence, have been omitted. Attention is
called in the notes to every fuch omiffion.

The effort in the prefent edition has, in fhort, been to
make it a reproduction of the New Canaan ; but the repro-
duction was to be an intelligent, and not a fervile one.

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN

NEW C A N A A N.

Containing an Abftra£t of New England,

Compofed in three Bookes.

The firft Booke fetting forth the originall of the Natives, their

Manners and Cuftomes, together with their traceable Nature and

Love towards the Englifh.

The fecond Booke fetting forth thenaturall Indowments of the

Country , and what ftaple Commodities it

yealdeth.

The third Booke fetting forth , what people are planted there,

their profperity , what remarkable accidents have happened fince the firft

planting of it, together with their Tenents and praclife

of their Church.

Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords Innegent, upon tenne

yeares knowledge and experiment of the

Country.

Printed at AMSTERDAM,
By JACOB FREDERICK S T A M.

In the Yeare 1637.

\J*s?9

To the right honorable, the Lords and

others of his Majefties molt honorable privy Coun-
cell, Commiffioners, for the Government of all his
Majefties forraigne Provinces.1

Right honorable,

He zeale which I beare to the advauncement of
the glory of God, the honor of his Majefty, and
the good of the weale publike hath incouraged
mee to compofe this abftract, being the modell
of a Rich, hopefull and very beautifull Country
worthy the Title of Natures Mafterpeece, and may be loft
by too much fufferance. It is but a widowes mite, yet
# all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring #4
from thence, where I have indevoured my beft, bound
by my allegeance, to doe his Majefty fervice. This in all hu-
mility I prefent as an offering, wherewith I proftrate my felfe
at your honorable footftoole. If you pleafe to vouchfafe it
may receave a blefhng from the Lufter of your gracious
Beames, you fhall make your vaffaile happy, in that hee yet
doth live to fhew how ready hee is, and alwayes hath bin, to
facrifice his deareft blood, as becometh a loyall fubjedt, for
the honor of his native Country. Being

your honors humble vaffaile

Thomas Morton.

1 In regard to the Board of Lords bard (pp. 264-8) and in Bradford (pp.

Commiffioners of 1634, fee supra, 57- 456-8), together with notes by Harris

60. The royal letter patent in the orig- in his edition of the former, and by

inal Latin is in Hazard, vol. i., pp. 344- Deane in the latter.
7. There are translations of it in Hub-

IO9

The Epiftle to the Reader.

GENTLE READER,

Prefent to the publike view an abftract of New
England, which I have undertaken to compofe
by the incouragment of fuch genious fpirits as
have been ftudious of the inlargment of his
Majefties Territories ; being not formerly fatif-
fied by the relations of fuch as, through hafle, have taken
but a fuperficiall furvey thereof : which thing time hath ena-
bled mee to performe more punctually to the life, and to
give a more exact accompt of what hath been required. I
have therefore beene willing to doe my indevoure to com-
municat the knowledge which I have gained and collected
together, by mine owne obfervation in the time of my many
yeares refidence in thofe parts, to my loving Country men :
For the better information of all fuch as are defirous to be
made partakers of the bleffmgs of God in that fertile
* 8 Soyle, as well as thofe * that, out of Curiofity onely, have
bin inquifitive after nouelties. And the rather for that I
have obferved how divers perfons (not fo well affected to the
weale publike in mine opinion), out of refpect to their owne
private ends, have laboured to keepe both the practife of the
people there, and the Reall worth of that eminent Country
concealed from publike knowledge; both which I have
abundantly in this difcourfe layd open : yet if it be well
accepted, I (hall efteeme my felfe fufficiently rewardded for
my undertaking, and reft,

Your WellwiJJier.

Thomas M o r t o n .
1 10

In laudem Authoris.

Excufe the Author ere the worke be fhewne

Is accufation in it felfe alone ;

And to commend him might feeme overfight ;

So divers are th' opinions of this age,

So quick and apt, to taxe the moderne ftage,
That hard his tafke is that muft pleafe in all :
Example have wee from great Caefars fall.
But is the fonne to be diflik'd and blam'd,
Becaufe the mole is of his face afham'd ?
The fault is in the beaft, not in the fonne ;
Give ficke mouthes fweete meates, fy ! they relifh none.
But to the found in cenfure, he commends
His love unto his Country ; his true ends,
To modell out a Land of fo much worth
As untill now noe traveller fetteth 1 forth ;
Faire Canaans fecond felfe, fecond to none,
Natures rich Magazine till now unknowne.
Then here furvay what nature hath in ftore,
And graunt him love for this. He craves no more.

R. O. Gen.

1 [feth.] Wherever in this edition an corrected, the mifprinted word, as it
apparently obvious mifprint in the text appears in the original, is printed be-
of 1637 has been, as in the prefent cafe, tween brackets as a foot-note.

II I

Sir Chriftoffer Gardiner, Knight.1

In laudem Authoris.

His worke a matchles mirror is, that fliewes
The Humors of the fcperatijle, and thofe
So truely perfonated by thy pen.
I was amazd to feet ; herein all men
May plainely fee, as in an inter -lude,
Each actor figure ; and the fcczne well view'd
hi Cornicle* Tragic k, and in a pafiorallflrife?
For tyth of mint x and Cummin, fJiewes tJieir life
Nothing but oppofltion gainfl the right
Of f acred Majeflie : men full of fpighl,
Goodnes abufeing, turni7ig vertue out
Of D ores, to whipping, flocking, and fell bent
To plotting mifcheife gainfl the innocent,
Burning their houfes, as if ordained by fate,
Infpight of Lawe, to be made ruinate.
This tafke is well perform d, and patience be
Thy prefent comfort, and thy conflancy
Thine honor ; and this glafje, where it fJiall coine,
Shall ' fiing thy praifes till the day of doo7ne.

Sir C. G.

1 In regard to Sir Chriftopher Gardi- 8 [Jlife.~]
ner, fee infra, *l82-4 and note. i [mutt.]

2 \Connick.~\ Szcfiipra, m, note i.

112

In laudem Authoris.

Vt that I rather pitty, I confeffe,
The praclife of their Church, I could expreffe
Myfclfe a Satyrifl, whofe f mar ting fangcs
Should Jlrike it with a palfy, and the panges
Beget a feare to tempt the Majejly
Of thofc, or mortall Gods. Will they defie
The Thundring Jove ? Like children they defire,
Such is their zeale, to f port themf elves with fire :
So have I feene an angry Fly prefume
Toflrike a burning taper, and confume
His feeble wings. Why, in an airefo milde,
Are they fo mo7ifirous growne up, andfo vilde,
That Salvages can of themf elves efpy
Their errors, brand their names with infamy ?
What! is their zeale for blood like Cyrus thirfl ?
Will they be over head and eares a curfl ?
A cruel I way to found a Church on! noe,
T'is not their zeale but fury blinds them foe,
And pricks their malice on like fier to joyne,
And offer up the facrifice of Kain.
Jonas, thou hafl done zuell to call thefe men
Home to repentance, with thy paincfull pen.

F. C. Armiger.

113

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,

NEW CANAAN.

The Atithors Prologue.

<> '

jF art and induftry fliould doe as much
As Nature hath for Canaan, not fuch
Another place, for benefit and reft,
In all the univerfe can be poffeft.
The more we proove it by difcovery,
The more delight each objecl: to the eye
Procures ; as if the elements had here
Bin reconcil'd, and pleaf'd it fliould appeare
Like a faire virgin, longing to be fped
And meete her lover in a Nuptiall bed,
Deck'd in rich ornaments t' advaunce her ftate
And excellence, being moft fortunate
When moft enjoy'd : fo would our Canaan be
If well imploy'd by art and induftry ;
Whofe offspring now, fhewes that her fruitfull wombe,
Not being enjoy'd, is like a glorious tombe,
Admired things producing which there dye,
And ly faft bound in darck obfcurity :
The worth of which, in each particuler,
Who lift to know, this abftracl will declare.

NEW

114

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,

NEW CANAAN.

The firfl Booke.

Containing the originall of the Natives, their
manners & Cuftomes, with their tractable
nature and love towards the Englifh.

Chap. I .

Prooving New England the principall part of all America,
and mojl commodious and fitt for habitation.

He wife Creator of the univerfall Globe
hath placed a golden meane betwixt two ex-
treames ; I meane the temperate Zones, betwixt
the hote and cold; and every Creature, that
participates of Heavens bleffings with in
the Compaffe of that golden meane, is made moft * apt * 12
and fit for man to ufe, who likewife by that wifedome is
ordained to be the Lord of all. This globe maybe his glaffe,
to teach him how to ufe moderation and difcretion, both in

his

1 1 6 New Rngli/Ii Canaan.

his actions and intentions. The wife man fayes, give mee
neither riches nor poverty ; why ? Riches might make him
proud like Nebuchadnezar, and poverty defpaire like lobs
wife ; but a meane betweene both. So it is likewife in the
v/eofvegeta- ufe of Vegetatives, that which hath too much Heate or too

tt7J£S

much Colde, is faid to be venenum : fo in the ufe of fenfi-
tives, all thofe Animals, of what genus or fpecies foever they
be, if they participate of heate or cold in the fuperlative are
faid to be Inimica natures, as in fome Fifhes about the I fie
of Sail, and thofe Ilandes adjoyninge between the Tropickes ;
their participatinge of heate and cold, in the fuperlative, is
Fijh poy/onous made moft manifeft, one of which poyfoned a whole Ships
I/ sal/. ' company that eate of it.1 And fo it is in Vipers, Toades, and
Snakes, that have heate or cold in the fuperlative degree.

Therefore the Creatures that participate of heate and cold
in a meane, are beft and holfomeft : And fo it is in the choyfe
of love, the middell Zone betweene the two extreames is beft,
and it is therefore called Zona temperata, and is in the
Zona tempera- golden meane ; and all thofe landes lying under that Zone,
melne. Golden moft requifite and fitt for habitation. In Cofmography, the
two extreames are called, the one Torrida Zona, lying be-
tweene

1 The Ifle of Sail appears on the map fifhes of the waters about the ifland of

in the Geography of Peter Heylyn, Lon- Cuba. The difeafe produced by eating

don, 1674, as one of the Cape Verde poifonous fifli is called ciguatera, and the

Iflands. It is called in the text Infula fifh itfelf is faid to be ciguato. All that

Salis, and on other old maps Ifle of Sal, is definitely known about the matter

or Ilha do Sal. There are fome ten ifl- feems to be that quite a large number

ands in the group. Profeffor J. D. Whit- of fpecies of fifh in that region are be-

ney writes that feveral iflands are known lieved to be liable to fome difeafe, the

by the name of Sail, and that the one re- nature and courfe of which is unknown ;

ferred to by Morton is probably that off and that thofe who eat the fifh thus dif-

the north fliore of Cuba. "A good deal eafed are themfelves liable to be at-

has been written about the poifonous tacked by the malady called ciguatera."

New EnglifJi Canaan. 1 1 7

tweene the Tropickes, the other Frigida Zona, lying neare
the poles : all the landes lying under either of thefe
Zones, by reafon they doe participate too * much of * 13
heate or cold, are very inconvenient, and are accompa-
nied with many evils. And allthough I am not of opinion
with Ariftotle,1 that the landes under Torrida Zona are
altogether uninhabited, I my felfe having beene fo neare
the equinoctiall line that I have had the Sunn for my Zenith
and feene proofe to the contrary, yet cannot I deny but that
it is accompanied with many inconveniences, as that Fifh
and Flefh both will taint in thofe partes, notwithftanding
the ufe of Salt which cannot be wanting there, ordained by Salt abound-
natures hande-worke ; And that is a great hinderance to the etTrop"cks'.
fettinge forth and fupply of navigation, the very Sinewes of
a florifhing Commonwealth. Then barrenneffe, caufed
through want of raines, for in mofl of thofe partes of the
world it is feldome accuftomed to raine untill the time of the
Tornathees (as the Portingals 2 phrafe is, who lived there) and
then it will raine about 40. dayes together, which moifture Raine 40.
ferveth to fructify the earth for all the yeare after, duringe ^"between]
which time is feene no raine at all : the heate and cold, and c£££randthe
length of day and night, being much alike, with little differ-
ence. And thefe raines are caufed by the turning of the
windes, which elfe betweene the Tropickes doe blow Trade,

that

1 Morton here apparently refers at to as having been vifited by him, were
fecond hand to Ariftotle's refume 6i the in the neighborhood of the Weftern and
ancient belief of five zones, two only of Cape Verde Iflands. In his time the
which were habitable. Meteorologica, word tornado had probably not been
B. II. ch. v. § 11. adopted into the Englifh language, and

2 From this paffage it would appear in writing it Morton gives to the letter
that the Ifle of Sail and the tropical wa- d the peculiar Weftern Ifland or Portu-
ters, which Morton in this chapter refers guefe pronunciation.

1 1 8 New Englifh Canaan.

that is allwayes one way. For next the Tropicke of Cancer
it is conftantly North-Eaft, and next the Tropicke of Capri-
corne it is Southwell ; fo that the windes comming from the
Poles, do keepe the aire in thofe partes coole, and make it
temperate and the partes habitable, were it not for thofe and

other inconveniences.
*I4 * This Torrida Zona is good for Grafhoppers : and

Zona Temperata for the Ant and Bee. But Frigida
Zona [is] good for neither, as by lamentable experience of
Capt. Davis Captaine Davis fate is manifeft, who in his inqueft of the
Northweft paffage for the Eaft India trade was frozen to
death.1 And therefore, for Frigida Zona, I agree with Arif-
totle that it is unfit for habitation : 2 and I know by the
GroeneLand Courfe of the cseleftiall globe that in Groeneland, many De-
haUtation. °* grees fhort of the Pole Articke, the place is too cold, by
reafon of the Sunns abfence almoft fix monethes, and the
land under the continuall power of thefroli; which thinge
many more Navigators have prooved with pittifull experi-
ence of their wintringe there, as appeareth by the hiftory.
I thinke they will not venture to winter there againe for an
India mine. * ,

1 Morton here confounds Davis with "fate," probably, which Morton had in

Hudfon. Davis's three voyages were mind. No other noted difcoverer of the

made in 1585-6-7, and it was in the firft Northweft Paffage was loft prior to 1634.

of them that he difcovered the ftraits The difcovery of that paffage, however,

which bear his name. He afterwards then excited as active an intereft as it

made five voyages to the Eaft Indies, in has fince, or does now. In 1632 Ed-

the laft of which he was killed in a fight ward Howes fent out to Governor Win-

with fome Japanefe on the coaft of Ma- throp a printed " Treatife of the North-

lacca. Hudfon made four voyages be- Weft Paffage " (iv. Mafs. Hift. Coll.,

tween 1607 and 1610, during the laft of vol. vi. p. 480) which is ftill in the library

which he paffed a winter, frozen in, near of the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society,
the entrance to Hudfon Bay. His crew 2 The phrafe in the Meteorologica {itbi

mutinied, and turned him adrift in an fupra, 1 17, note I.) is, " the parts under

open boat, on the 22d of July, 1610. He the Bear (i.e., north) by cold are unin-

was never heard of again ; and it is his habitable."

New Englijli Canaan. 1 1 9

And as it is found by our Nation under the Pole Articke,
fo it is likewife to be found under the Antarticke Pole ; yet
what hazard will not an induftrious minde and couragious
Ipirit undergoe, according to that of the Poet : Impiger extre-
mes currit Mcrcator ad Indos per mare pauperiem fugiens,
perfaxa, per ignes} And all to gett and hord up like the
Ant and the Bee ; and yet, as Salomon faith,2 he cannot tell
whether a foole or a wife man mall enjoy it. Therefore let
us leave thefe two extreames, with their inconveniences, and
indeavour to finde out this golden meane, fo free from any
one of them. Behold the fecret wifedome of allmighty
God, and love unto our Salomon, to raife a man of a lardge
hart, full of worthy abilities, to be the Index or
Loadftarre, that doth point out* unto the Englifh * 15
Nation with eafe and comfort how to finde it out.
And this the noble minded Gentleman, Sir Ferdinando sir Ferdinan-
Gorges,3 Knight, zealous for the glory of God, the honor of ^rigiZfi \aufe

ln'c °f plantings

1 Impiger extremos curris mercator ad Indos,
Per mare pauperiem fugiens, per faxa, per ignes.

Horace, Efiifl. 1. 11. 45-6.

2 " 18. Yea, I hated all my labor which itary and naval life, and in 1591 ferved
I had taken under the fun : becaufe I under Effex at the fiege of Rouen. Sub-
fhould leave it unto the man that fhall fequently he is faid to have been wound-
be after me. ed, either at Amiens, or during the fiege

" 19. And who knoweth whether he of Paris by Henry IV. In confequence

fhall be a wife man or a fool ? " of his fervices he was appointed by

Ecclefiajlcs, ch. ii. vers. 18, 19. Queen Elizabeth royal governor of Ply-
mouth, and in 1597 was defignated as

3 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, of Afhton one of the ftaff of Effex in the Ferrol
Phillips in Somerfet, has already been expedition, with the title of Sergeant-
frequently referred to in the introduclo- Major. In 1601 he was concerned in
ry portions of this volume. Of an old Effex's infurreclion, and was one of the
Weft Country family and pure Englifh principal witneffes againft the Earl at
defcent, he was born about the year his trial. After a confiderable period of
1560 (iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vii. p. imprifonment he was releafed, and, on
329). He early devoted himfelf to a mil- the acceffion of James I., was reappointed

governor

New England.

120 New Englifli Canaan.

his Majefty and the benefit of the weale publicke, hath done
a great worke for the good of his Country.

And herein this, the wondrous wifedome and love of God,

The Salvages is fhewne, by fending to the place his Minifter, to fweepe

piag^{ the away by heapes the Salvages ; and alfo giving him length

of dayes to fee the fame performed after his enterprife was

begunne, for the propagation of the Church of Chrift.

This judicious Gentleman hath found this goulden meane
to be fcituated about the middle of thofe two extreames,
and for directions you may proove it thus : Counting the
fpace betweene the Line and either of the Poles, in true
proportion, you fhall finde it to be 90. Degrees : then muff
we finde the meane to be neare unto the Center of 90. and
that is about 45. Degrees, and then incline unto the Soth-
erne fide of that Center, properly for the benefit of heate,
remembringe that Sol & Homo general homincm ; and then
keepe us on that fame fide, and fee what Land is to be found

there,

governor of Plymouth. In 1605 he be- the royal fide, and was made a prifoner
came interefted in American difcovery when Fairfax captured Briftol in Au-
and colonization, and in 1607 he was one guft 1645. He died probably about the
of the projectors of the Popham colony 10th of May 1647, as he was buried on
in Maine. During the next thirteen the 14th of that month,
years he was engaged in fifhing and In regard to Gorges, fee Belknap's
trading ventures to New England, and American Biography ; Folfom's Cata-
indefatigable in collecting information logue of Original Documents i?i the
as to America. (Palfrey, vol. i. p. 7^.) Englifk Archives relating to the Early
In 1620 he procured from James I. the H iflory of the State of Maine ; William-
great patent of the Council for New fon's Maine; Palfrey's New England
England. In 1623 he fent out the Rob- (vol.i.); Poole's Introduction to John-
ert Gorges expedition which fettled fon's Wonder Working Providence j
itfelf at Weffaguffet. {Supra, 2-4.) Devereux's Earls of Effex (vol. i.) ;
His fubfequent connection with Morton, and the Briefe Narration (ill. Mafs.
and his intrigues againft the Maffachu- Hifl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 44), and Gorges's
fetts colony and charter, have been fuf- own letters, to Winthrop and others, in
ficiently referred to in this volume, the Winthrop Papers, (iv. Mafs. Hifl.
During the Civil War Gorges efpoufed Coll., vol. vii.)

New Engli/Ji Canaan. 1 2 1

there, and we fliall eafily difcerne that new England is on
the South fide of that Center.

For that Country doth beginne her boundes at 40. Degrees New Engl is
of Northerne latitude, and endes at 45. Degrees of the fame gddeniZane.
latitude, and doth participate of heate and cold indifferently,
but is oppreffed with neither : and therefore may be truly
fayd to be within the compaffe of that golden meane,
moft apt and fit *for habitation and generation, being * 16
placed by Allmighty God, the great Creator, under
that Zone called Zona temperata ; and is therefore moft fitt
for the generation and habitation of our Englifh nation, of
all other, who are more neere neighbours to the Northerne
Pole, whofe Land lyeth betweene 50. and 54. Degrees of the
felfefame latitude : now this new England, though it be
nearer to the line then that old England by 10. Degrees New England
of latitude, yet doth not this exceede that other in heate ™e'erer tfuiLe
or cold, by reafon of the cituation of it; for as the Coafi;^^^"
lyeth, being circularly Northeaft and Southwell, oppofite
towards the Sunnes rifinge, which makes his courfe over the
Ocean, it can have litle or no reflecting heat of the Sun-
beames, by reafon of the continuall motion of the waters
makinge the aire there the cooler and the conftanter ; fo
that for the temperature of the Climent, fweetneffe of the
aire, fertility of the Soile, and fmall number of the Salvages
(which might feeme a rubb in the way off an effeminate
minde,) this Country of new England is by all judicious
men accounted the principall part of all America for habita-
tion and the commodioufneffe of the Sea, Ships there not
being subject to wormes as in Virginea and other places,
and not to be paraleld in all Chriftendome. The Maffachuf-

fets,

122 New Englijh Canaan.

The Majfa- fets, being the middell part thereof, is a very beautifull
CmidddofN^u Land, not mountany nor inclininge to mountany, lyeth in
England. ^2> Degrees, ancj 30. minutes, and hath as yet1 the great-
erf number of inhabitants ; and hath a very large bay to
it divided by Iflands into 4 great bayes,2 where fhip-
The windes * 1 7 pinge may fafely ride, * all windes and weathers, the
In Ncw*En£- windes in thofe partes being not fo violent as in England

land. by many Degrees : for there are no fhrubbs feene to leane

from the windes, as by the Sea Coaft of England I have feene
them leane, and the groundage is a fandy fleech,3 free from
rockes to gaule Cables, but is good for anchorage : the reft
of the Planters are difperft among the Coafts betweene 41.
and 44. Degrees of Latitude, and as yet, have [made] very
little way into the inland.4 The riches of which Country I
have fet forth in this abitracl: as in a Landfkipp, for the
better information of the Travellers ; which hee may perufe
and plainely perceave by the demonnration of it, that it is
nothing inferior to Canaan of Ifrael, but a kind of paralell

to it in all points.

Chapter 1 1.

1 That is, in 1634. See/upra, 78. Nut and Pettuck's iflands and Hull,

2 Thefe are the Inner Harbor (Bof- among which is Hingham Bay.

ton), fo called, and Dorchefter, Ouincy, 3 " Sketch, n. The thick mud orflufh

and Weymouth bays. The latter in- lying at the bottom of rivers." Webjler.

eludes all the inlets fouth and weft of • 4 [dand.] Seefupra, ill, note I.

New Englifli Canaan. 123

Chap. II.

Of the originall of the Natives.

IN the yeare fmce the incarnation of Chrift, 1622, it was
my chance to be landed in the parts of New England,1
wThere I found two fortes of people, the one Chriftians, the
other Infidels ; thefe I found moft full of humanity, and
more friendly then the other : as fhall hereafter be made
apparant in Dew-Courfe by their feverall actions from time
to time, whileft I lived among them. After my arrivall
in thofe partes, I endeavoured by all the wayes and meanes
that I could to find out from what people, or nation,
the Natives of #'New England might be conjectured * 18
originlly to proceede ; and by continuance and con-
verfation amongft them, I attaned to fo much of their lan-
guage, as by all probable conjecture may make the fame man-
ifeft : for it hath been found by divers, and thofe of good
judgement, that the Natives of this Country doe ufe very
many wordes, both of Greeke and Latine, to the fame fignifi- The Natives
cation that the Latins and Greekes have done ; as en animia?* language.
when an Indian expreffeth that hee doth anything with a

good

1 Supra, 6-7. nifhed the following notes : " En ani-

2 In the letter already quoted from mia — Wunanumau, as Eliot wrote it,
{Supra, 14), Mr. J. H. Trumbull re- fignifies 'he is well difpofed, or well
marked that "Morton, as he fhows in minded toward another,' or 'is pleafed
chap. ii. of book I., could not write with ' him. There is another word,
the moft fimple Indian word without a nearly related, which Morton may have
blunder." As refpects the words which had in mind, meaning ' to help,' ' do a
Morton believed to be Indian-Greek, favor to,' — aninumeh, 'help me ' (Eliot),
Mr. Trumbull has further kindly fur- anunime (R. Williams)."

124 New Englifh Canaan.

Pa/co Pan good will ; and Pafcopciii 1 fisfnifieth °redy gut, this being the

greedy gntt. J c ° 0 J ° &

name of an Indian that was to called of a Child, through
the greedineffe of his minde and much eating, for Pa/co in
Latine fignifieth to feede, and Pan in Greeke fignifieth all ;
and Pa/co nantum? qua/ pa/co nondum, halfe ftarved, or not

Mono, an iji. eating, as yet ; Equa cogef fet it upright ; Mona^ is an Ifland
in their language, qua/i Monon, that is alone, for an Ifland
is a peece or plott of ground flanding alone, and devided
from the mane Land by force of water.

Cos a whet- Cos5 is a Whetftone with them. Hame* an inftrument to
take fifh. Many places doe retain e the name of Pan, as
Pantneket7 and Matta pan* fo that it may be thought that

Pan the shep. thefe people heretofore have had the name of Pan in great

heards God. i •

reverence and eltimation, and it may bee have worlhipped
Pan the great God of the Heathens : Howfoever they doe
ufe no manner of worfhip at all now : and it is moft likely
that the Natives of this Country are defcended from peo-
ple bred upon that part of the world which is towardes

the

1 " PaJJcanontam (Eliot), ' he fuffers ufed for boring wampum, beads, &c. ;
from hunger,' ' is ftarving.' In Eliot's cau-ompjk (R. Williams) was ' a whet-
orthography, pajkuppoo would fignify ftone,' /. <?., a fliarpening ftone."

'he eats hungrily.' or 'as if ftarving,' 6 " Om {aum, Eliot), is a fifh-hook ;

and from this comes the verbal Pajlcup- aumau-i, 'he is timing' (with hook and

•wen or PaJ7;uppoo-cn ' a ftarving eater' line,) R. Williams; whence omaen,

— Morton's ' greedy gut.' " (Eliot) ' a fifherman.' "

2 " Eliot's pa/kanontam, as above, 7 " Probably niifprinted for Pantneket
which is well enough tranflated by — the equivalent of Pantneket, mean-
' halfe ftarved.' " ing 'at the fall ' of the river. (The n

8 " I can make nothing of thefe words, was not diftinclly founded, but repre-

They certainly do not mean 'fet it up- fents the nafalization of the preceding

right.' " vowel.)"

4 " An ifland is munnoh (Eliot)." 8 " Mattapan means a ' fitting down '

5 "Here Morton miftook the word. — or 'a fetting down' — and ufually
Cos is, probably, Koiis (Eliot), ' fliarp- defignates the end of a 'carry or port-
pointed,' or, from the fame root, mukqs, age, where the canoes were put in water
(Eliot), mucks (R. Williams), 'an awl,' again."

New Rnglifli Canaan, 125

the Tropicke of Cancer, for they doe flill retaine the * 19
memory of fome of the Starres one that part of the
Caeleftiall Globe, as the North-ftarre, which with them is
called Mafke,1 for Mafke in their Language fignifieth a
Beare : and they doe divide the windes into eight partes,
and it feemes originally have had fome litterature amongfl
them, which time hath Cancelled and worne out of ufe.

And whereas it hath beene the opinion of fome men,
which fhall be nameles, that the Natives of New-England
may proceede from the race of the Tartars, and come from
Tartaria into thofe partes,2 over the frozen Sea, I fee no Not to proceede
probality for any fuch Conjecture ; for as much as a people {ars!
once fetled mult be remooved by compulfion, or elfe tempted
thereunto in hope of better fortunes, upon commendations
of the place unto which they mould be drawne to remoove :
and if it may be thought that thefe people came over the
frozen Sea, then would it be by compulfion ? if fo, then by

who me,

1 Winflow, in his Relations, fays of Acadian Geology (2d ed. p. 675), fhow-
the Indians: "The people are very in- ing that the Micmacs ftill know that
genious and obfervative ; they keep ac- conftellation as Mooin, 'the bear.'"
count of time by the moon, and win- 2 Roger Williams, in the preface to his
ters or fummers ; they know divers of Key (p. 23), fays : " Wife and judicious
the (tars by name; in particular they men, with whom I have difcourfed, main-
know the north ftar, and call it mafke, tain their [the Indians] original to be
which is to fay, the bear.'''' (Young's northward from Tartaria." The Afi-
Chron. of Pilg-, pp. 365-6.) See alfo atic origin of the North American Indi-
to the fame effect, Roger Williams's ans was a neceffary part of the fcriptural
Key {Publications of the Narraganfett dogma of the origin and defcent of
Club, vol. i.) and Mr. Trumbull's note man. It is fafe, however, to affert that,
(p. 105). Mr. Trumbull now further firlt and laft. every pofiible theory on this
adds :" The name {mafke) was given to fubject has been carefully elaborated.
Urfa Major or Charles's Wain, not tc It is not neceffary, in connection with
the North Star; and by nearly all Al- the New Canaan, to enter into the dif-
gonkin tribes. An interefting note on cuffion, as the views of thole, from St.
this point can be found in Hopkins's Gregory to Voltaire, who have taken
Hift. Memorials of the Honfatonic Indi- part in it, have been laborioufly collected
ans (p. 11), and another in Dawfon's by Drake in his Book of Indians (ch.'u.).

126 New Rnglifli Canaan.

whome, or when ? or what part of this mane continent may
No part of be thought to border upon the Country of the Tartars, it is
knoivne to be yet unknowne : and it is not like, that a people well enough
'' at eafe will of their one accord undertake to travayle over
a Sea of Ice, confidering how many difficulties they (hall
encounter with ; as firft, whether there be any Land at the
end of their unknowne way, no Land beinge in view ; then
want of Food to fuftane life in the meane time upon
* 20 that Sea of Ice ; or # how mould they doe for Fuell,
to keepe them at night from freezing to death, which
will not bee had in fuch a place. But it may perhaps be
granted that the Natives of this Country might originally
come of the fcattred Trojans : For after that Brutus, who
why Brutus was the forth from Aneas, left Latium upon the conflict
had with the Latines, (where although hee gave them a
great overthrow, to the Slaughter of their grand Captaine
and many other of the Heroes of Latium, yet hee held it
more fafety to depart unto fome other place and people,
then by flaying to runne the hazard of an unquiet life or
doubtfull Conqueft, which as hiftory maketh mention hee
performed,) this people were difperfed : there is no ques-
tion but the people that lived with him, by reafon of their
converfation with the Grascians and Latines, had a mixed
language that participated of both, whatfoever was that
which was proper to their owne nation at firft I know not ;
for this is commonly feene where 2. nations traffique to-
Two nations gether, the one indevouring to underftand the others mean-

tneetinge make . . . r -\ i i

a mixt tan- ing makes them both many times lpeak a mixed language,
suage' as is approoved by the Natives of New England, through

the

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 127

the coveteous defire they have to commerce with our nation
and wee with them.

And when Brutus did depart from Latium, we doe not
finde that his whole number went with him at once, or
arrived at one place ; and being put to Sea might encounter
with a ftorme that would carry them out of fight of Land,
and then they might fayle God knoweth whether, and
fo might be put upon this * Coaft, as well as any * 2 1
other. Compaffe I beleeve they had none in thofe
dayes ; Sayles they might have, (which Daedalus the firft Dcedaius the
inventor thereof left to after ages, having taught his Sonne sayies*
Icarus the ufe of it, who to this Coft found how dangerous it Teams the fee-
is for a Sonne not to obferve the precepts of a wife Father, °sayiLat
fo that the Icarian Sea now retaines the memory of it to this
day,) and Victuals they might have good fhore, and many
other things fittinge ; oares without all queftion they would
ftore themfelves with, in fuch a cafe ; but for the ufe of
Compaffe, there is no mention made of it at that time
(which was much about Sauls time, the firft that was made Troy dejiroyed
King of Ifraell.) Yet it is thought (and that not without time.
good reafon for it) that the ufe of the Loadftone and Com- The Load/tone
paffe was knowne in Salomons time, for as much as hee fent time.
Shippes to fetch of the gould of Ophir, to adorne and bewtify
that magnificent Temple of Hierufalem by him built for the
glory of Almighty God, and by his fpeciall appointment:
and it is held by Cofmographers to be 3. yeares voyage
from Hierufalem to Ophir, and it is conceaved that fuch a
voyage could not have beene performed, without the helpe
of the Loadftone and Compaffe.

And

128 New Englifh Canaan.

And why mould any man thinke the Natives of New-
England to be the gleanings of all Nations, onely becaufe
by the pronunciation and termination their words feeme to
trench upon feverall languages, when time hath not fur-
nifhed him with the interpretation thereof. The thinge

that muft induce a man of reafonable capacity to any
* 22 maner of conjecture of * their originall, muft be the

fence and fignification of the words, principally to
frame this argument by, when hee mall drawe to any conclu-
sion thereupon : otherwife hee fhall but runne rounde about
a maze (as fome of the fantafticall tribe ufe to do about the
tythe of mint1 and comin.) Therefore, fince I have had
the approbation of Sir Chriftopher Gardiner,2 Knight, an
able gentl. that lived amongft them, and of David Tompfon,3
a Scottifh gentl. that likewife was converfant with thofe
people, both Scollers and Travellers that were diligent in
taking notice of thefe things, as men of good judgement,
and that have bin in thofe parts any time, befides others of
leffe, now I am bold to conclude that the originall of the
Natives of New England may be well conjectured to be

from

1 [muit.] Seefufira, ill, note I. land, was iffued to him, and the next

- 2 See Infra * 182-4 and note. year, he then being apparently a young

3 David Thomfon occupied the ifland man and newly married, he came out

in Bofton Harbor, which ftill bears his and eftablifhed himfelf at Pifcataqua,

name, from fome time in 1625, appar- whence he afterwards moved to Bolton

ently, until his death in 1628 (fupra, Harbor. All that is known of Thomfon

24). He left a widow and an only fon, can be found in Mr. Deane's A7otes to

who inherited the ifland. Originally, an Indenture, &*c, in the Proc. Mafs.

Thomfon feems to have been a meffen- Hi/i. Soc, 1876 (pp. 358-81). See alfo,

ger, or poffibly an agent, of the Council Proc. Mafs. Hifl. Soc, 1878 (p. 204),

for New England. In November, 1622, and Memorial Hiftory of Bofton (vol. i.

a patent, covering a confiderable tract of p. 83).

New Englifli Canaan.

129

from the fcattered Trojans, after fuch time as Brutus de-
parted from Latium.1 Chapter III.

1 Morton's attempt to trace the origin
of the North American Indians from
Brutus, and the fupport he finds for his
theory in the refemblance of fome In-
dian to Greek words, there being no rea-
fon to fuppofe that Brutus or the Latins
had any acquaintance with Greek, reads
like a humorous fatire on the hiftorical
methods in vogue with the writers of
his time. Until within the laft century
there were two hiftorical events, or events
affumed to be hiftorical, to one or the
other of which it was deemed fafe to
refer the origin of any modern nation.
Thefe events were the Siege of Troy
and the Flood, — the profane and the
facred beginnings of modern hiftory.
Morton wrote in 1635, and his mind na-
turally had recourfe to the profane theo-
ry. Fifteen years later, Milton began his
hiftory of England, and at theoutfet came
in contact with Brutus. " That which we
have," he then remarks, " of oldeft feem-
ing, hath by the greater part of judicious
antiquaries been long rejected for a
modern fable." He neverthelefs " de-
termined to beftow the telling over even
of thefe reputed tales, . . . feeing that
ofttimes relations heretofore accounted
fabulous have been after found to con-
tain in them many footfteps and reliques
of fomething true ; as what we read in
poets of the flood, and giants little be-
lieved, till undoubted witneffes taught
us that all was not feigned." Then
paffing on, he fays : " After the flood,
and the difperfing of nations, as they
journeyed leifurely from the Eaft, Go-
mer, the eldeft fon of Japhet, and his
offspring, as by authorities, arguments
and affinity of divers names is generally
believed, were the firft that peopled all
thefe weft and northern climes." Com-
ing down to Brutus and the whole pro-
geny of kings, and following Geoffrey of

Monmouth, Milton then recounts in de-
tail the marriages, voyages, adventures
and mifhaps of the defcendants of ^Eneas
until Brutus reached an "ifland, not yet
Britain but Albion, in a manner defert
and inhofpitable ; kept only by a rem-
nant of giants, whofe exceffive force and
tyranny had deftroyed the reft. Thefe
Brutus deftroys," and, after this, " in a
chofen place, builds Troja Nova, changed
in time to Trinovantum, now London."

The fuperiority of Morton's hiftorical
method to Milton's, or to that in ufe
in Milton's time, is obvious. Accepting
the common origin, he premifes that he
does not find that " when Brutus did
depart from Latium his whole number
went with him at once." Accordingly,
fome of them being put to fea, " might
encounter with a ftorm," and then being
carried out of fight of land, " they might
fail God knoweth whether, and fo might
be put on this coaft, as well as any
other." And hence the author is " bold
to conclude that the original of the na-
tives of New England may be well con-
jectured to be from the fcattered Trojans,
after fuch time as Brutus departed from
Latium."

It would be eafy to quote from many
ferious productions, contemporaneous
with the New Canaan and a century
after it, examples of the fame method
of daring hiftorical hypothefis ; a fin-
gle inftance will, however, fuffice. In
his hiftory of Lynn, written in 1829, the
Rev. Alonzo Lewis fays (p. 21) : "The
Indians are fuppofed by fome to be
the remnants of the long loft ten tribes
of Ifrael ; and their exiftence in tribes,
the fimilarity of fome of their cuftoms,
and the likenefs of many words in their
language, feem to favor this opinion."

More fenfible than either Thomas
Morton or Mr. Lewis, William Wood,

130

New Englifli Canaan,

Chap. III.

Of a great mortality that happened amongjl the Natives of
New England, neere about the time that the Englifli came
there to plant.

IT fortuned fome few yeares before the Englifh came to in-
habit at new Plimmouth, in New England, that upon fome
diftafb given in the Maffachuffets bay by Frenchmen, then
trading there with the Natives for beaver, they fet upon
the men at fuch advantage that they killed manie of
* 23 them, burned their lhipp, * then riding at Anchor by
an Ifland there, now called Peddocks Ifland,1 in mem-
ory of Leonard Peddock 2 that landed there, (where many

wilde

in writing his New England's Pro/peel,
in 1633, remarks (p. 78), that "Some
have thought they [the Indians] might
be of the difperfed Jews, becaufe fome
of their words be near unto the Hebrew;
but by the fame rule they may conclude
them to be fome of the gleanings of all
nations, becaufe they have words which
found after the Greek, Latin, French,
and other tongues."

There is in the Magna/ia (book in.
part iii.) a lengthy but highly charac-
teriftic paffage, in which Mather re-
counts the points of refemblance which
the evangelift Eliot faw between the In-
dians and " the pofterity of the difperfed
and rejected Ifraelites."

1 Peddock's, or Pettick's, Ifland, ftill
fo called, is one of the largeft iflands in
Bolton Bay. It lies directly oppofite to
George's Ifland and Hull, from which
laft it is feparated by a narrow channel,
and is between Weymouth and Quincy

bays, on the eaft and weft. See Shurt-
leff's Defcription of Boflon, p. 557.

2 Leonard Peddock feems to have
been in the employment of the Council
for New England. In the records of the
Council for the 8th of November, 1622,
is the following entry : "Mr. Thomfon
is ordered to pay unto Leo : Peddock
;£io towards his paynes for his laft Im-
ployments to New England." Subfe-
quently, on the 19th of the fame month :
" It is ordered that a Letter be written
from the Counfell to Mr. Wefton, to de-
liver to Leonard Peddock, a boy Native
of New England called papa Whinett
belonging to Abbadakeft, Sachem of
Maffachufetts, which boy Mr Peddock
is to carry over with him " {Proceedings
of the American Antiquarian Society,
April, 1867, pp, 70, 74)-

Andrew Wefton had returned to Eng-
land in the Charity, leaving Weffaguffett
in September, 1622 (Jupra, 7). He

would

New Rngli/Ji Canaan.

131

wilde Anckies1 haunted that time, which hee thought had bin
tame,) diftributing them unto 5. Sachems, which were Lords
of the feverall territories adjoyninge : they did keepe them fo
longe as they lived, onely to fport themfelves at them, and
made thefe five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, Five French-
which is the generall worke that they require of a fervant.2 "the" salvages*
One of thefe five men, out livinge the reft, had learned fo
much of their language as to rebuke them for their bloudy
deede, faying that God would be angry with them for it,

and

would feem to have brought over the
Indian boy in queftion with him. From
the entry in the records of the Council
for New England, juft quoted, it would
appear that Leonard Peddock was in
New England during the fummer of
1622. The reference to him in the text
is additional evidence that Morton was
there at the fame time, and in company
with Wefton.

1 This is undoubtedly a mifprint for
Auckies, which was a failor's corrup-
tion for Auks. The Great Auk (Alca
imftennis) is probably referred to. This
bird, now fuppofed to be extinct, was
formerly common on the New England
coaft. Audubon, writing in 1838, fays :
" An old gunner, refiding on Chelfea
Beach, near Bofton, told me that he
well remembered the time when the
Penguins were plentiful about Nahant
and fome other iflands in the bay."
(Am. Ornithological Biog., vol. iv.
p. 316.) ProfefTor Orton, alluding to this
paffage, in the American Natural/ft
(1S69, p. 540), expreffes the opinion
that the Razor-billed Auk was the bird
referred to ; but Profeffor F. W. Put-
nam adds, in a foot-note, that "the 'old
hunter ' was undoubtedly correcl; in his
ftatement, as we have bones of the fpe-
cies taken from the fhell-heaps of Mar-
blehead, Eagle Hill in Ipfwich. and

Plum Ifland." Dr. Jeffries Wyman
found them in the fhell-heaps at Cotuit.
See Metn.HiJl. of Bofton, vol. i. p. 12.

There is an elaborate paper on the
Great Auk, under the title of "The
Garefowl and its Hillorians," by Pro-
feffor Alfred Newton, in the Natural
Hiftory Review for 1865, p. 467.

2 Morton would feem to be miftaken
in this ftatement. Between 1614 and
1619 two French veffels were loft on the
Maflachufetts coaft. One was wrecked
on Cape Cod, and the crew, who fuc-
ceeded in getting on fhore, were moll;
of them killed by the favages, and
the remainder enflaved in the way de-
fcribed in the text. Two of thefe cap-
tives were fubfequently redeemed by
Captain Dermer (Bradford, p. 98). The
other vellel was captured by the favages
in Bofton Bay, and burned. This is the
veffel referred to by Morton as riding at
anchor off Peddock's Ifland. The cir-
cumftances of the capture are defcribed
in Phinehas Pratt's narrative (iv. Mafs.
Hijl. Coll., vol. i v. pp. 479, 489) . All the
crew, he fays, were killed, and the fliip,
after grounding, was burned. Pratt's
ftatement is diftinft, and agrees with
Bradford's, that the captives among the
Indians were the furvivors from the vef-
fel wrecked on Cape Cod, not from that
captured in Bofton Bay.

132 New Englifh Canaan.

and that hee would in his difpleafure deftroy them ; but

the Salvages (it feemes boafting of their ftrenght,) replyed

and fayd, that they were fo many that God could not kill

them.1

The Plague But contrary wife, in fhort time after the hand of God

dL°s"tAeIn' fell heavily upon them, with fuch a mortall ftroake that they

died on heapes as they lay in their houfes ; and the living,

that were able to fhift for themfelves, would runne away and

let them dy, and let there Carkafes ly above the ground

without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited,

there hath been but one left a live to tell what became of the

Theihingenot^^', the livinge being (as it feemes) not able to bury the

adeUad°.burythe dead, they were left for Crowes, Kites and vermin to pray

upon. And the bones and fkulls upon the feverall places

of their habitations made fuch a fpecracle after my com-

ming into thofe partes, that, as I travailed in that For-

reft

1 Pratt's account of this furvivor their unburied carcafes ; and they that

among the French crew is to be found were left alive were fmitten into awful

in w.Ma/s. Hiji. Coll., vol. iv. pp. 479, and humble regards of the Englifh by

489. He fays that " one of them was the terrors which the remembrance of the

wont to read much in a book (fome fay Frenchman's prophecy had imprinted on

it was the New Teftament), and that the them."

Indians enquiring of him what his book Pratt, whom Mather followed, claims

faid, he told them it did intimate that to have derived his knowledge of thefe

there was a people like French men that events during the winter of 1622-3 di-

would come into the country and drive rectly from ravages concerned in them,

out the Indians." The account given by The probability is that the tradition of

Mather (Magnalia, P>. 1. ch. ii. § 6) is the French captive, and his book and

curioufly like that in the text. After prophecy, was a common one among the

quoting the fubftance of Pratt's ftate- fettlers both at Plymouth and about

ment he adds: "Thefe infidels then Bofton Bay. Pratt apparently had a

blafphemoufly replied, ' God could not habit, as he grew old, of appropriating

kill them ; ' which blafphemous miftake to his own account many of the earlier

was confuted by a horrible and unufual and more finking incidents of colonial

plague, whereby they were confumed in hiftory. (Mather's Early New Ettg-

fuch vaft multitudes that our firft plant- land, p. 17 )
ers found the land almoit covered with

New Englifh Canaan.

133

reft nere the Maffachuffets, it feemed to mee a new found
Golgatha.

* But otherwife, it is the cuflome of thofe Indian * 24
people to bury their dead ceremonioufly and carefully,
and then to abandon that place, becaufe they have no
defire the place fhould put them in minde of mortality : and
this mortality was not ended when the Brownifts of new
Plimmouth were fetled at Patuxet in New England : and
by all likelyhood the fickneffe that thefe Indians died of
was the Plague, as by conference with them fince my arrivall
and habitation in thofe partes, I have learned.1 And by this

meanes

1 The myfterious peftilence, which in
the years 1616 and 1617 fwept away
the New England Indians from the Pe-
nobfcot to Narraganfett Bay, is mentioned
by all the earlier writers, and its char-
acter has recently been fomewhat dif-
cuffed. There can be no doubt that it
practically deftroyed the tribes, espe-
cially the Maffachufetts and the Pokano-
kets, among which it raged. The former
were reduced from a powerful people,
able, it is faid, to mutter three thoufand
warriors, to a mere remnant a few hun-
dred ftrong. The Pokanokets were in
fome localities, notably at Plymouth,
actually exterminated, and the country
left devoid of inhabitants (1. Mafs. Hijl.
Coll., vol. i. p. 148 ; Young's Chron. of
•Pi&i P- 183). Winflow gave a defcrip-
tion of the defolation created by this
peftilence, and of the number of the un-
buried dead, very like that in the text
(Young's Chron. of Pilg., pp. 183, 206).
On this fubject, fee alfo, Bradford, pp.
102, 325 ; Johnfon, p. 16 ; Wood's Prof
peft, p. 72 ; in. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol.
vi. p. 57.

No definite conclusion as to the nature
of this peftilence has been reached by
medical men. It has been fuggefted that

it was the yellow-fever (Palfrey, vol. i.
p. 99, n). As, however, it raged equally
in the depth of the fevereft winter as
in fummer, this could not have been
the cafe (in. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. vi.
p. 57 ; Bradford, p. 325). Other mod-
ern medical authorities have inclined
to the opinion that it was a vifitation
of fmall-pox (Dr. Holmes in Mafs.
Hifl. Soc, Low. Tnfl. Left., 1869., p.
261 ; Dr. Green's Centennial Addrefs
before the Mafs. Med. Soc., June 7, 1881,
p. 12). In fupport of this hypothefis
Captain Thomas Dermer is quoted, who,
failing along the coaft in 1619-20, wrote
"we might perceive the fores of fome
that had efcaped, who defcribed the
fpots of fuch as ufually die " (Purchas,
vol. iv. p. 1778). On the other hand,
none of the contemporaneous writers
who fpeak of the difeafe ever call it the
fmall-pox, though all of them were per-
fectly familiar with fmall-pox, and a very
large portion of them probably bore its
marks. Dermer fpeaks of it as " the
plague." Bradford, when the fame peft-
ilence raged on the Connecticut, de-
fcribed it as "an infectious fever." Dr.
Fuller, the firft New England phyfician,
then died cf it (Bradford, p. 314). He

could

134 New Englifh Canaan.

meanes there is as yet but a fmall number of Salvages in
New England, to that which hath beene in former time, and
the place is made fo much the more fitt for the Englifh
Sam. 24. Nation to inhabit in, and erecl in it Temples to the glory
of God.

Chap. IV.

Of their Houfes and Habitations.

THe Natives of New England are accuftomed to build
them houfes much like the wild Irifh ; they gather
Poles in the woodes and put the great end of them in the
ground, placinge them in forme of a circle or circumference,
and, bendinge the topps of them in forme of an Arch, they
bind them together with the Barke of Walnut trees, which
is wondrous tuffe, fo that they make the fame round
* 25 on the Topp *for the fmooke of their fire to affend

and

could not but have been familiar with ern parts were fore fmitten by the con-

the fmall-pox and its fymptoms ; and it tagion ; firft by the plague, afterwards,

would feem moft improbable that he when the Englifh came, by the fmall-

fhould have died of that difeafe among pox."

his dying neighbors, and not have known It would feem. therefore, that the pef-

what was killing him. Moreover, in tilence of 1616-7 was clearly not the

1633-4 the fmall-pox did rage among fmall-pox. More probably it was, as

the Indians, and Bradford, in giving a Bradford fays, "an infectious fever,"

fearfully graphic account of its ravages, or fome form of malignant typhus, due

adds, "they [the Indians] fear it more to the wretched fanitary condition of the

than the plague." Joffelyn alfo draws Indian villages, which had become over-

the fame diftinclion, faying (Two Voy- crowded, owing to that profpcrous con-

ages, p. 123): "Not long before the dition of the tribes which Smith defcribes

Englifh came into the country, hap- as exifting at the time of his vifit to the

pined a great mortality amongft [the coaft in 1614 (in. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol.

Indians]; efpecially where the Englifh vi. p. 109).
afterwards planted, the Eaft and North-

New Englifli Canaan. 135

and paffe through ; thefe they cover with matts, fome
made of reeds and fome of longe flagges, or fedge, finely
fowed together with needles made of the fplinter bones of a
Cranes legge, with threeds made of their Indian hempe,
which their groueth naturally, leaving feverall places for
dores, which are covered with mats, which may be rowled up
and let downe againe at their pleafures, making ufe of the
feverall dores, according as the winde litts.1 The fire is
alwayes made in the middeft of the houfe, with winde fals
commonly : yet fome times they fell a tree that groweth
neere the houfe, and, by drawing in the end thereof, main-
taine the fire on both fids, burning the tree by Degrees
fhorter and fhorter, untill it be all confumed ; for it burnetii
night and day. Their lodging is made in three places of
the houfe about the fire ; they lye upon plankes, commonly
about a foote or 18. inches aboue the ground, raifed upon
railes that are borne up upon forks ; they lay mats under
them, and Coats of Deares fkinnes, otters, beavers, Ra-

cownes,

1 "Their houfes, which they call wig- whilft their women drefs their victuals,

warns, are built with poles pitcht into They have commonly two doors, one

the ground of a round form for moft opening to the fouth, the other to the

part, fometimes fquare. They bind down north, and, according as the wind fets,

the tops of their poles, leaving a hole they clofe up one door with bark and

for fmoak to go out at, the reft they hang a deers fkin or the like before the

cover with the bark of trees, and line other. Towns they have none, being

the infide of their wigwams with mats always removing from one place to an-

made of rufhes painted with feveral other for conveniency of food, fometimes

colors. One good poll they fet up in to thofe places where one fort of fifh is

the middle that reaches to the hole in moft plentiful, other whiles where others

the top, with a ftaff acrofs before it ; at are. I have feen half a hundred of their

a convenient height, they knock in a wigwams together in- a piece of ground

pin upon which they hang their kettle, and they fhow prettily ; within a day or

Beneath that they fet up a broad ftone two or a week they have been all dif-

for a back which keepeth the poft from perfed." (JoiTelyn's Voyages, p. 126).

burning. Round by the walls they fpread See alfo Young's Chron. of Pilg., p.

their mats and fkins where the men deep 144.

136 New Engl if h Canaan,

cownes, and of Beares hides, all which they have dreffed
and converted into good lether, with the haire on, for their
coverings : and in this manner they lye as warme as they
defire.1 In the night they take their reft ; in the day time,

either

1 Giving in his Key (p. 48) the Indian
combination of words fignifying " let
us lay on wood," Roger Williams adds :
" This they do plentifully when they lie
down to deep winter and fummer, abun-
dance they have and abundance they
lay on : their fire is inftead of our bed-
clothes. And fo, themfelves and any
that have any occafion to lodge with
them, muft be content to turn often to
the fire, if the night be cold, and they
who firft wake muft repair the fire."
Elfewhere he fays : " God was pleafed
to give me a painful, patient fpirit, to
lodge with them in their filthy, fmoky
holes." See alfo Gookin's Indians, 1.
Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 150.

When Stephen Hopkins and Edward
Window were fent on their miffion to
Maffafoit, in June, 162 1, they fay of their
entertainment on the night they arrived
at his lodge : " Late it grew, but vict-
uals he offered none ; for indeed he had
not any, being he came so newly home.
So we defired to go to reft : he layd us
on the bed with himfelf and his wife,
they at the one end and we at the other,
it being only planks layd a foot from the
ground, and a thin mat upon them.
Two more of his chief men, for want
of room, preffed by and upon us ; fo
that we were worfe weary of our lodg-
ing than of our journey." (Mourt, p. 45).
Two nights of this entertainment fuf-
ficed for the embaffadors who "feared
we fhould either be light-headed for
want of deep, for what with bad lodg-
ing, the favages barbarous tinging, (for
they ufe to fing themfelves afleep,)
lice and fleas within doors, and mufke-
tos without, we could hardly flcep all

the time of our being there." (lb., p. 46)
Another obferver remarked of the New
England Indians : " Tame cattle they
have none, excepting Lice, and Dogs of
a wild breed " (Joffelyn's Voyages, p.
127) ; and to the fame effect Roger
Williams notes {Key, p. 74) : " In middle
of fummer, becaufe of the abundance of
fleas, which the duft of the houfe breeds,
they [the Indians] will fly and remove
on a fudden to a frefh place."

Smith, defcribing the Virginia Ind-
ians, fays (Trice Travels, vol. i. p.
130) : " Their houfes are built like our
arbors, of fmall young fprings bowed and
tyed, and fo clofe covered with mats, or
the barkes of trees very handfomely, that
nothwithftanding either winde, raine, or
weather, they are as warm as ftoves,
but very fmoaky, yet at the toppe of the
houfe there is a hole made for the fmoake
to go into right over the fire.

" Againft the fire they lie on little
hurdles of Reeds covered with a mat,
borne from the ground a foote and more
by a hurdle of wood. On thefe round
about the houfe they lie heads and points,
one by the other, againft the fire, fome
covered with mats, fome with fkins, and
fome ftark naked lie on the ground, from
fix to twenty in a houfe."

In Parkman's Jefuits in North Amer-
ica there is a lively account of Le Jeune's
experience in paffing the winter of 1633-
4 among the Algonquins : " Put afide
the bear-fkin, and enter the hut. Here,
in a fpace fome thirteen feet fquare, were
packed nineteen favages, men, women
and children, with their dogs, crouched,
fquatted, coiled like hedge-hogs, or ly-
ing on their backs, with knees drawn up

perpendicularly

New Rnglifli Canaan.

137

either the kettle is on with fifli or flefli, by no allowance, or
elfe the fire is imployed in roafting of fifhes, which they
delight in.1 The aire doeth beget good ftomacks, and they
feede continually, and are no niggards of their vittels ; for
they are willing that any one fhall eate with them.
Nay, if any one that fhall come into their * houfes and * 26
there fall a fleepe, when they fee him difpofed to lye
downe, they will fpreade a matt for him of their owne accord,
and lay a roule of fkinnes for a boulfter, and let him lye. If
hee fleepe untill their meate be difhed up, they will fet a
wooden boule of meate by him that fleepeth, and wake him
faying, Cattup keene Meckin2: That is, If you be hungry,
there is meat for you, where if you will eate you may. Such
is their Humanity.3

Likewife,

perpendicularly to keep their feet out of
the fire. . . . The bark covering was full
of crevices, through which the icy blafts
ftreamed in upon him from all fides ; and
the hole above, at once window and
chimney, was fo large, that, as he [Le
Jeune] lay, he could watch the ftars as
well as in the open air. While the fire
in the midft, fed with fat pine-knots,
fcorched him on one fide, on the other
he had much ado to keep himfelf from
freezing. At times, however, the crowded
hut feemed heated to the temperature
of an oven. But thefe evils were light
when compared to the intolerable plague
of fmoke. During a fnow-ftorm, and
often at other times, the wigwam was
filled with fumes fo denfe, stifling, and
acrid, that all its inmates were forced
to lie flat on their faces, breathing
through mouths in contact with the cold
earth. Their throats and mouths felt
as if on fire ; their fcorched eyes ftreamed
with tears. . . . The dogs were not an

unmixed evil, for by fleeping on and
around [Le Jeune], they kept him warm
at night ; but, as an offset to this good
fervice, they walked, ran and jumped
over him as he lay " (pp. 27-8).

1 In regard to the food of the Indians
and their alternate gluttony and abfti-
nence, fee Joffelyn's Two Voyages, pp.
129-30 ; Wood's Pro/peel, p. 57. Wood's
account of the Indians is ufually the
beft. As refpects eating, he fays: "At
home they will eate till their bellies ftand
South, ready to fplit with fulneffe : it
being their fafhion, to eate all at fome-
times, and fometimes nothing at all in
two or three days, wife providence being
a ftranger to their wilder dayes."

2 " Cattup keen ? ' Are you hungry ? '
Meechin, ' meat ; ' or, as an Indian
would be more likely to fay, Meech, ' eat.'
In Eliot's orthography, Kodtup ken ?
Meechum, ' victuals, food,' or meech,
' eat." — 7. H. Trumbull.

3 In regard to the hofpitality of the

Indians,

138 New Englifli Canaan.

Likewife, when they are minded to remoove, they carry
away the mats with them ; other materiales the place adjoyn-
ing will yeald. They ufe not to winter and fummer in one
place, for that would be a reafon to make fuell fcarfe ; but,
after the manner of the gentry of Civilized natives, remoove
for their pleafures ; fome times to their hunting places, where
they remaine keeping good hofpitality for that feafon ; and
fometimes to their fifhing places, where they abide for that
feafon likewife : and at the fpring, when fifh comes in plen-
tifully, they have meetinges from feverall places, where they
exercife themfelves in gaminge and playing of juglinge
trickes and all manner of Revelles, which they are deligted
in ; [fo] that it is admirable to behould what paftime they
ufe of feverall kindes, every one ftriving to furpaffe each
other.1 After this manner they fpend their

time.

Chapter V.

Indians, Wood fays {Ptofpecl, p. 59) :
" Though they be fometimes fcanted,
yet are they as free as Emperors, both
to their countrymen and Englifti, be he
ftranger or mere acquaintance ; count-
ing it a great difcourtefie not to eat of
their high conceited delicates, and fup
of their un-oat-meal'd broth, made thick
with fifhes, fowles and beafts boiled
all together; fome remaining raw, the
reft converted by over-much feething to
a loathed mafs, not halfe fo good as
IriJJi Boniclapper." See alfo Gookin's
Indians, 1. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p.

153-

So alfo Roger Williams {Key, ch. ii.

and iii.) : " If any ftranger came in,
they prefently give him to eat of what
they have ; many a time, and at all times
of the night (as I have fallen in travel,

upon their houfes) where nothing hath
been ready, have themfelves and their
wives, rifen to prepare me fome refrefh-
ing."

" In Summer-time I have knowne
them lye abroad often themfelves, to
make room for ftrangers, Englifli, or
others."

" / have known them leave their Houfe and
Mat
to lodge a friend or ftranger,
Where Jeives and Chrijlians oft have sent
Chrijl Jefus to the manger. '

1 In regard to the games and remov-
als of the Indians, fee Williams's Key,
chs. xi. and xxviii. ; Smith's True Trav-
els, vol. i. p. 133 ; Gookin's Indians,
1. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. i. p. 153 ; and
Wood's Profpecl, pp. 63, 73-5. Wood

gives

New Engli/Ii Canaan,

139

*Chap. V.

Of their Religion.

IT has bin a common receaved opinion from Cicero,1 that
there is no people fo barbarous but have fome worfhipp
or other. In this particular, I am not of opinion therein
with Tully ; and, furely, if hee had bin amongffc thofe people
fo longe as I have bin, and converfed fo much with them
touching this matter of Religion, hee would have changed
his opinion. Neither fhould we have found this error,
amongft the reft, by the helpe of that wodden profpecl,2 if it

had

fives an excellent defcription of the
ndian game of foot-ball : " Their goals
be a mile long placed on the fands,
which are as even as a board ; their
ball is no bigger than a hand-ball, which
fometimes they mount in the air with
their naked feet, fometimes it is fwayed
by the multitude ; fometimes alfo it is
two days before they get a goal ; then
they mark the ground they win, and
begin the next day. . . . Though they
play never fo fiercely to outward appear-
ance, yet anger-boiling blood never
ftreams in their cooler veins ; if any
man be thrown, he laughs out his foil,
there is no feeking of revenge, no quar-
relling, no bloody nofes, fcratched faces,
black eyes, broken fhins, no bruifed
members or crufhed ribs, the lament-
able effects of rage ; but the goal being
won, the goods on the one fide loft ;
friends they were at the foot-ball, and
friends they muft meet at the kettle."
To the fame effect fee Strachey's
Hijiorie, p. 78.

1 Ipfifque in hominibus nulla gens eft
neque tarn immanfueta, neque tarn fera,

quae non, etiam fi ignoret qualem habere
deum deceat, tamen habendum fciat
(De Leg/bus, Lib. I. § 8).

Quae eft enim gens, aut quod genus
hominum, quod non habeat fine doclxina.
anticipationem quandam deorum? (De
ATattira Deorum, Lib. I. § 16).

2 The reference here is to Wood's
New England' 's Profpefl (p. 70) . I n re-
gard to the time when this work was
written and publifhed, fee Mr. Deane's
preface to the edition in the publications
of the Prince Society. Morton makes
numerous references to it in the New
Canaan (infra, *38, 53, 64, 84, 99).
The prefent reference is one of the few
unintelligible paffages in the book.
Wood's language, to which Morton ap-
parently takes exception, is as follows :
" As it is natural to all mortals to wor-
fhip fomething, fo do thefe people ; but
exactly to defcribe to whom their wor-
fhip is chiefly bent, is very difficult ;
they acknowledge efpecially two, Ketan,
who is their good God, to whom they
facrifice after their garners be full with a
good crop : upon this God likewife they

invocate

140 New EnglifJi Canaan,

had not been fo unadvifedly built upon fuch highe land as
that Coaft (all mens judgements in generall,) doth not yeeld,
had hee but taken the judiciall councell of Sir William
Alexander, that fetts this thing forth in an exact and con-
clufive fentence ; if hee be not too obftinate ? hee would
graunt that worthy writer, that thefe people are fine fide, fine
lege, & fine rege} and hee hath exemplified this thinge by
a familiar demonftration, which I have by longe experience
obferved to be true.

And, me thinks, it is abfurd to fay they have a kinde of
worfhip, and not able to demonftrate whome or what it is
they are accuftomed to worfhip. For my part I am more
willing to beleeve that the Elephants (which are reported to

invocate for fair weather, for rain in time
of drought, and for the recovery of their
fick ; but if they do not hear them, then
they verify the old verfe, Fleclere fi
nequeo Super es, Acheronta movebo, their
Pow-wows betaking themfelves to their
exorcifms and unromantick charms. . . .
by God's permiffion, through the Devil's
help, their charms are of force to pro-
duce effects of wonderment." Morton
would feem to have wifhed to depreciate
Wood, as an authority on New England,
and fo, playing upon his name and the
title of his book, he implied that he had
taken a much more elevated view of the
religious development of the Indians
than could be juftified either by the ac-
tual facts, or the judgment of the beft
informed.

Being unintelligible, the paffage, from
the word "neither" to the end of the
paragraph, is reproduced here in all re-
flects, including punctuation, as it is in
the text of the original edition.

1 There is no expreffion of this nature
to be found anywhere in thofe writings

of Sir William Alexander which have
come down to us and are included in the
publications of the Prince Society. He
may have ufed the expreffion quoted in
converfation, or in a letter. Winflow, in
Mourt, fays : " They [the favages] are a
people without any religion, or knowledge
of any God " (p. 61). This ftatement he
fubfequently, however, retracted in his
Good News (Young's Chron. of Pilg-,
p. 355), where he fays, " therein I erred,
though we could then gather no better."
The fubject of the religion of the North
American aborigines has been treated by
Parkman in the introduction to the Jefu-
its in North America (pp. Ixvii.-lxxxix),
and he concludes that " the primitive In-
dian, yielding his untutored homage to
an All-pervading and Omnipotent Spirit,
is a dream of poets, rhetoricians and fen-
timentalifts." To the fame effect Pal-
frey, at the clofe of his vigorous difcuf-
fion of the fame fubject (vol. i. p. 45),
declares that the devout Indian of the
" untutored mind is as fabulous as the
griffin or the centaur."

New Englifli Canaan. 141

be the moft intelligible of all beafts) doe worfhip the
moone, for the reafons * given by the author of this * 28
report, as Mr. Thomas May, the minion of the Mufes
dos recite it in his continuation of Lucans hiftoricall poem,1
rather then this man : to that I mult bee conftrained, to con-
clude againfl him, and Cicero, that the Natives of New
England have no worfliip nor religion at all ; and I am fure
it has been fo obferved by thofe that neede not the helpe of
a wodden profpect for the matter.

Chap. VI.

Of the Indians apparrell.

THe Indians in thefe parts do make their apparrell of
the fkinnes of feverall fortes of beaftes, and commonly
of thofe that doe frequent thofe partes where they doe live ;
yet fome of them, for variety, will have the fkinnes of fuch
beafts that frequent the partes of their neighbors, which they
purchafe of them by Commerce and Trade.

Thefe

1 Thomas May, better known as the "But in a higher kind (as fome relate)
hiftorian and fecretary of the Long Par- Do Elephants with men communicate,
liament, was born in 1595 and died in (If you believe it) a religion
1650. In 1627 he publifhed a tranfla- They have, and monthly do adore the

tion of Lucan's Pharfalia, with a fit 6- -r, rj °?n\ ,i3 XT , it ,

,/,._. „ .• J .- /./- y f Befides the loftie Nabathaean wood,

Piemen um or continuation (1630), by Qf vaft e A ,0>s ,e flood<

himfelf in feven books. This continua- Gliding alongj the fandie mould combines.

tion he fublequently tranflated into Latin, Thither, as oft as waxing Cynthia fhines

and it is included in Lemaire's edition In her firfl: borrowed light, from out the

of the Pharfalia in his Bibliotheca Claf- wood,

fica Latina (Paris, 1832). The paffage Come all the Elephants, and in the floud

to which Morton refers is in the third Warning themfelves (as if to purine)

book of the continuation (11. 108-78). They proftrate fall ; and when religiouHy

The following are fome of the verfes : — They ,have ad°re(? ,th.e M,oon> return aSain

Into the woods with joy.

142 New Englifli Canaan.

The Indians Thefe fkinnes they convert into very good lether, making

make good , . -\ r c r- r 1 r- n « *

lether. the lame plume and iott. Some of thefe fkinnes they

dreffe with the haire on, and fome with the haire off; the

hairy fide in winter time they weare next their bodies, and

in warme weather they weare the haire outwardes : they

make likewife fome Coates of the Feathers of Turkies,

which they weave together with twine of their owne makinge,

very prittily : thefe garments they weare like mantels

* 29 knit over * their moulders, and put under their arme :

they have likewife another fort of mantels, made of

Mofe fkinnes, which beaft is a great large Deere fo bigge

as a horfe ; thefe fkinnes they commonly dreffe bare, and

Indians inge- make them wondrous white, and ftripe them with fize round

'men foTZJir about the borders, in forme like lace fet on by a Taylor, and

gai fome they ftripe with fize in workes of feverall fafhions very

curious, according to the feverall fantafies of the workemen,

wherein they flrive to excell one another: And Mantels

made of Beares fkinnes is an ufuall wearinge, among the

Natives that live where the Beares doe haunt : they make

fliooes of Mofe fkinnes, which is the principall leather ufed

to that purpofe ; and for want of fuch lether (which is the

ftrongeft) they make fliooes of Deeres fkinnes, very hand-

fomly and commodious ; and, of fuch deeres fkinnes as they

dreffe bare, they make ftockinges that comes within their

fliooes, like a ftirrop ftockinge, and is faftned above at their

belt, which is about their middell ; Every male, after hee

The modejiy of iX\.2M\zs> unto the age which they call Pubes, wereth a belt

mm* han about his middell, and a broad peece of lether that goeth

betweene his leggs and is tuckt up both before and behinde

under that belt ; and this they weare to hide their fecreats

New Englijli Canaan.

143

of nature, which by no meanes they will fuffer to be feene,
fo much modefty they ufe in that particular ; thofe gar-
ments they allwayes put on, when they goe a huntinge, to
keepe their fkinnes from the brum of the Shrubbs : and
when they have their Apparrell one they looke like
Irifh in * their troufes, the Stockinges joyne fo to * 30
their breeches. A good well growne deere fkin is of
great account with them, and it muft have the tale on, or elfe
they account it defaced ; the tale being three times as long
as the tales of our Englifh Deere, yea foure times fo longe,
this when they travell is raped round about their body, and,
with a girdle of their making, bound round about their mid- Indians tmv-

11 , 1*1 • 1 1 • r n 1 1 • 1 • 1 1 • • o atfe with mate-

dies, to which girdle is taltned a bagg, in which his mitru- rials to jirike
ments be with which hee can ftrike fire upon any occafion.1 fireat<aiitmes-

1 In his Latin poem on New England,
which the Rev. William Morell wrote
during his eighteen months' relldence at
Weffagufiet as the fpiritual head of the
Robert Gorges fettlement of 1623, there
is a defcription of the Indian and his
garments. The following is the author's
Englifh rendering of his more elegant
Latin original : —

" Whofe hayre is cut with greeces, yet a

locke
Is left ; the left fide bound up in a knott :
Their males finall labour but great pleaf-

ure know,
Who nimbly and expertly draw the bow ;
Traind up to fuffer cruell heat and cold,
Or what attempt fo ere may make them

bold ;
Of body ftraight, tall, ftrong, mantled in

fkin
Of deare or bever, with the hayre-fide in ;
An otter fkin their right armes doth keepe

warme,
To keepe them fit for ufe, and free from

harme ;

Thus

A girdle fet with formes of birds or beads,
Begirts their wafte, which gentle gives

them eafe.
Each one doth modeflly bind up his fhame,
And deare-fkin ftart-ups reach up to the

fame ;
A kind of fin/en keeps their feet from cold,
Which after travels they put off, up-fold,
Themfelves they warme, their ungirt limbes

they reft
In ftraw, and houfes, like to flies."

1. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 131.

Wood's defcription of the Indian ap-
parel is very like Morton's. He fays,
however : " The chiefe reafons they ren-
der why they will not conforme to our
Englifh apparell are becaufe their women
cannot wafh them when they be foyled,
and their meanes will not reach to buy
new when they have done with their old ;
and they confidently beleeve, the Englifh
will not be fo liberall as to furnifh them
upon gifture : therefore they had rather
goe naked than be loufie, and bring their

bodies

144 New Englifli Canaan.

Thus with their bow in their left hand, and their quiuer
of Arrowes at their back, hanging one their left fhoulder
with the lower end of it in their right hand, they will runne
away a dogg trot untill they come to their journey end ;
and, in this kinde of ornament, they doe feeme to me to be
hanfomer then when they are in Englifh apparrell, their
gefture being anfwerable to their one habit and not unto
ours.

Their women have fhooes and ftockinges to weare like-
wife when they pleafe, fuch as the men have, but the mantle
they ufe to cover their nakedneffe with is much longer then
that which the men ufe ; for, as the men have one Deeres
fkinn, the women have two foed together at the full lenght,
and it is fo lardge that it trailes after them like a great
Ladies trane ; and in time I thinke they may have their
Pages to beare them up ; and where the men ufe but one
Beares fkinn for a Mantle, the women have two foed togeth-
er ; and if any of their women would at any time fhift one,
they take that which they intend to make ufe of, and
* 31 *caft it over them round, before they fhifte away the

other,

bodies out of their old tune, making them with the hayre, but in Sommer without,

more tender by a new acquired habit, The better fort ufe large mantels of

which poverty would conftrain them to Deare fkins, not much differing in fafh-

leave." (Profpeft, p. 56). ion from the Irifli mantels. Some im-

The defcription given by Winflow brodered with white beads, fome with

(Young's Chron. of Pilg.,\>. 365) is very copper, others painted after their man-

fimilar to Morell's. See alfo Gookin's ner. But the common fort have fcarce

Indians, I. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. to cover their nakedneffe, but with graffe,

152; Joffelyn's Two Voyages, 00. 128-9, the leaves of trees or fuch like. We have

and Williams's Key, ch. xx. feene fome ufe mantels made of Turkey

Smith {True Travels, vol. i. p. 129) feathers fo prettily wrought and woven

fays : " For their apparell, they are with threads that nothing could be dif-

fometimes covered with the fkinnes of cerned but the feathers."
wilde beafls, which in winter are dreffed

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 145

other, for modefty, being unwilling to be feene to dif-
cover their nakedneffe ; and the one being fo caft over, tju Indians
they flip the other from under them in a decent manner, aaea™dnak{d-
which is to be noted in people uncivilized ; therein they ne^e-
feeme to have as much modefty as civilized people, and
deferve to be applauded for it.1

Chap. VII.

Of their Child-bearing, and delivery, and what manner of

perfons they are.

THe women of this Country are not fuffered to be ufed
for procreation untill the ripeneffe of their age, at
which time they weare a redd cap made of lether, in forme
like to our flat caps, and this they weare for the fpace of 12
moneths, for all men to take notice of them that have any
minde to a wife ; and then it is the cuftome of fome of their
Sachems or Lords of the territories, to have the firft fay or
maidenhead of the females.2 Very apt they are to be with

childe,

1 Supra, 16, note. (Young's Chron. of Pila., p. 364) fays:

2 Speaking of a ceremony common to — " When a maid is taken in marriage,
the Algonquins and the Hurons, of pro- me firft cutteth her hair, and after wear-
pitiating their filhing-nets by formally eth a covering on her head, till her hair
marrying them every year to two young be grown out. Their women are di-
girls, Parkman fays : "As it was indif- verfely difpofed ; fome as modeft, as
penfable that the brides fhould be vir- they will fcarce talk one with another
gins, mere children were chofen" {The in the company of men, being very
Jefuits in North America, p. lxix. note), chafte alfo ; yet others feem light, laf-
The fubjecl; of female chaftity among civious, and wanton. . . . Some com-
the Indians has already been referred to mon ftrumpets there are, as well as
(fupra, p. 17), and it is extremely quef- in other places ; but they are fuch as
tionable whether they had any concep- either never married, or widows, or put
tion of it. Winflow, in his Good News away for adultery ; for no man will keep

fuch

146

New

Engl-,

ii/Ii Q

anaan.

The women bfg childe, and very laborious when they beare children ; yea,

laborwul. very when they are as great as they can be : yet in that cafe they

neither forbeare laboure, nor travaile ; I have feene them in

that plight with burthens at their backs enough to load a

horfe ; yet doe they not mifcarry, but have a faire delivery,

and a quick : their women are very good midwifes,

32 and the women very lufty after * delivery, and in a day
or two will travell or trudge about.1 Their infants

fuch an one to wife." Strachey (Hif-
torie, p. 65), fays of the Virginians :
"Their younger women goe not fhad-
owed [clothed] amongft their owne com-
panie, until they be nigh eleaven or
twelve returnes of the leafe old, nor are
they much afhamed thereof, and there-
fore would the before remembered Po-
chahuntas, a well featured, but wanton
yong girle, Powhatan's daughter, fome-
tymes reforting to our fort, of the age
then of eleven or twelve yeares, get the
boyes forth with her into the markett
place, and make them wheele, falling on
their hands, turning up their heeles up-
wards, whome (he would followe, and
wheele fo her felf, naked as the was, all
the fort over ; but being over twelve
yeares, they put on akindoffemecinctum
lethern apron (as doe our artificers or
handycrafts men) before their bellies,
and are very fhamefac't to be feen bare."
Ellis, in his Red Man and White Man
(p. 185), remarks on this point: "The
obfcenity of the favages is unchecked in
its revolting and difgufting exhibitions.
Senfuality feeks no covert."

Under thefe circumftances it is unnec-
effary to fay that Morton's ftatements as
to the red cap and the Sachem's privi-
lege are pure fiction, and what Parkrnan
fays of the Hurons is probably true of
the Maffachufetts, — their women were
wantons before marriage and houfehold

are

drudges after it. CJefuits in North
America, p. xxxv).

1 To the fame effect Roger Williams
fays : " Moll of them count it a fhame
for a woman in travell to make com-
plaint, and many of them are fcarcely
heard to groane. I have often known in
one quarter of an hour a woman merry
in the houfe, and delivered and merry
again : and within two dayes abroad, and
after foure or five dayes at worke."
{Key, ch. xxiii.). See alio Joffelyn's
Two Voyages, p. 127. Wood's account
is almoft as comprehenfive, though not
quite fo detailed and graphic as Jofle-
lyn's : " They likewife few their huf-
band's fhooes, and weave mats of Turkic
feathers ; befides all their ordinary
houfehold drudgery which dayly lies
upon them, fo that a bigge belly hinders
no bufmeffe nor a childbirth takes much
time, but the young infant being greafed
and footed, wrapped in a Beaver fkin,
bound to his goode behaviour with his
feete up to his bumme, upon a board two
foot long and one foot broade, his face
expofed to all nipping weather, this little
Pappoufe travels about with his bare-
footed mother, to paddle in the Icie
Clammbanks after three or four daies
of age have fealed his paffe-board and
his mother's recovery." (Pro/peel, p.
82). See alfo Young's Chron. of Pilg^

P- 358-

iinne.

New Englifh Canaan. 147

are borne with haire on their heads, and are of complexion
white as our nation ; but their mothers in their infancy-
make a bath of Wallnut leaves, hufkes of Walnuts, and fuch children
things as will ftaine their fkinne for ever, wherein they dip &JuU
and wafhe them to make them tawny 1 ; the coloure of their
haire is black, and their eyes black. Thefe infants are car-
ried at their mothers backs by the help of a cradle made of
a board forket at both ends, whereon the childe is fait bound
and wrapped in furres; his knees thruft up towards his
bellie, becaufe they may be the more ufefull for them when
he fitteth, which is as a dogge does on his bumme : and
this cradle furely preferues them better then the cradles of
our nation, for as much as we finde them well proportioned,
not any of them crooked backed or wry legged : and to give
their charracler in a worde, they are as proper men and
women for feature and limbes as can be found, for nefh and
bloud as active : longe handed they are, (I never fawe a

clunchfifted

1 The idea that the Indian was born of the fuppofed procefs : The Indians

white was very commonly entertained " are generally of a cullour browne or

in the firft half of the feventeenth cen- rather tawny, which they caft themfelves

tury. Lechford, in his Plaine Dealing, into with a kind of arfenick ftone, . . .

fays (p. 50) : " They are of complexion and of the fame hue are their women ;

fwarthy and tawny ; their children are howbeit, yt is fuppofed neither of them

borne white, but they bedaube them with naturally borne fo difcouloured ; for Cap-

oyle, and colours, prefently." Joffelyn tain Smith (lyving fomtymes amongft

alfo fpeaks of the Indians "dying them) affirmeth how they are from the

[their children] with a liquor of boiled womb indifferent white, but as the men,

Hemlock-Bark {Two Voyages, p. 128). fo doe the women, dye and difguife them-

Speaking of the Virginia women, Smith felves into this tawny cowler, efteeming

fays : " To make [their children] hardie, yt the beft beauty to be neereft fuch a

in the coldeft mornings they them warn kynd of murrey as a fodden quince is

in the rivers, and by paynting and oynt- of (to liken yt to the neereft coulor I

ments fo tanne their fkinnes, that after can), for which they daily anoint both

a year or two, no weather will hurt face and bodyes all over with fuch a

them." {True Travels, vol. i. p. 131). kind of fueus or unguent as can caft

Strachey gives a more particular account them into that ftayne." {Hijlorie, p. 63).

148 New Englifli Canaan,

clunchfifted Salvadg amongft them all in my time.) 1 The
colour of their eies being fo generally black made a Salvage,
that had a younge infant whole eies were gray, fhewed him
to us, and faid they were Englifh mens eies; I tould the
Father that his fonne was nan weeteo, which is a baftard ;
hee replied litla CheJJietue fquaa? which is, hee could not
tell, his wife might play the whore ; and this childe the father
defired might have an Englifli name, becaufe of the lite-
neffe3 of his eies, which his father had in admiration be-
caufe of novelty amongft their nation.

* 33 *Chap. VIII.

Of their Reverence, and refpecl, to age.

IT is a thing to be admired, and indeede made a prefident,
that a Nation yet uncivilizied fhould more refpecl aw
Sxf U ' then fc>me nations civilized, fince there are fo many precepts
both of divine and humane writers extant to inftrucl: more

Civill

1 " If there was noticed a remarka- Titta fhould be tatta, a word com-
ble exemption from phyfical deformi- mon among Indians, which is well
ties, this was probably not the effec~t of enough tranflated by Morton. Eliot
any peculiar congenital force or com- renders it ' I know not,' and R. Williams
pletenefs, but of circumftances which adds to this meaning, ' I cannot tell ; it
forbade the prolongation of any imper- may be fo.'

feci life. The deaf, blind or lame child " CheJJietue is unknown to me, but

was too burdenfome to be reared, and I am inclined to believe that Morton

according to a favage eftimate of uieful- heard fomething like it, in the connec-

nefs and enjoyment, its prolonged life tion and fubftantially with the meaning

would not requite its nurture." Palfrey, he gives it, — fome adjective of difpraife,

vol. i. p. 23. qualifying fquaa, or, as we write it,

2 Mr. Trumbull writes : " Morton's /gnaw"

nan weeteo ftands for Eliot's nanwe- 8 [likenefle.] See fupra, ni,note 1.
tee' (jianwetue, Cotton), 'a baftard.'

New Englifli Canaan. 149

Civill Nations : in that particular, wherein they excell, the
younger are allwayes obedient unto the elder people, and at
their commaunds in every refpect without grummbling ; x in
all councels, (as therein they are circumfpect to do their ac-
ciones by advife and councell, and not rafhly or inconfider-
ately,) the younger mens opinion mall be heard, but the old
mens opinion and councell imbraced and followed : befides,
as the elder feede and provide for the younger in infancy, fo
doe the younger, after being growne to yeares of manhood,
provide for thofe that be aged : and in diftribution of Acctes
the elder men are nrft ferved by their difpenfator ; and their
counfels (efpecially if they be powahs) are efteemed as
oracles amongft the younger Natives.

The confideration of thefe things, mee thinkes, mould
reduce fome of our irregular young people of civilized
Nations, when this ftory mail come to their knowledge, to

better

1 The obfervations of Roger Wil- To the fame effect Champlain wrote
liams led him to a different conclufion : {Voyages, vol. iii. p. 170): "The chil-
" Their affections, efpecially to their dren have great freedom among thefe
children, are very ftrong. . . . This ex- tribes. The fathers and mothers in-
treme affection, together with want of dulge them too much, and never pun-
learning, makes their children faucie, ifh them. Accordingly they are fo bad
bold and undutifull. I once came into and of fo vicious a nature, that they
a houfe, and requefted fome water to often ftrike their mothers and others,
drink ; the father bid his fonne (of The moft vicious, when they have
fome 8 yeeres of age) to fetch fome acquired the ftrength and power, ftrike
water : the boy refufed, and would not their fathers. They do this whenever
ftir; I told the father, that I would cor- the father or mother does anything that
reft my child, if he fhould so difobey does not pleafe them. This is a fort
me &c. Upon this the father took up of curfe that God inflicts upon them."
a fticke, the boy another, and flew at Winflow, on the other hand, in his Good
his father : upon my perfuafion, the News, lends fome fupport to Morton's
poore father made him fmart a little, ftatement in the text. He fays : " The
throw down his flick, and run for water, younger fort reverence the elder, and
and the father confeffed the benefits of do all mean offices, whilft they are
correction, and the evill of their too in- together, although they be ftrangers."
dulgent affections." {Key, ch. v.) (Young's Chron. of Pilg., p. 3°3-)

150 New Englifh Canaan.

better manners, and make them afhamed of their for-
* 34 mer error in this kinde, and to * become hereafter

more duetyfull ; which I, as a friend, (by obfervation
having found,) have herein recorded for that purpofe.

Chap. IX.

Of their pretty conjuring tricks.

IF we doe not judge amiffe of thefe Salvages in account-
ing them witches, yet out of all queflion we may be bould
to conclude them to be but weake witches, fuch of them as
wee call by the names of Powahs : fome correfpondency
they have with the Devil out of al doubt, as by fome of
their accions, in which they glory, is manifefted. Papafi-
quineo,1 that Sachem or Sagamore, is a Powah of greate efti-
mation amongft all kinde of Salvages there : hee is at their
Revels (which is the time when a great company of Salvages

meete

1 This Sachem, "the moft noted pow- declares of the Indians, "their chiefe

ow and forcerer of all the country," is God they worfhip is the Devil" {True

better known by the name of Paflacon- Travels, vol. i. p. 138) ; Mather inti-

away. There is quite an account of mates that it was the devil who feduced

him in Drake's Book of the Indians the firft inhabitants of America into it

(B. in. ch. vii). He is the Piffacan- (Magnalia, B. 1. ch. i. § 3), and Win-

nawa mentioned by Wood in his Prof- throp, defcribing the great frefhet of

pefl (p. 70), of whom the favages re- 1638, records that the Indians "being

ported that he could "make the water pavvawing in this tempeft, the Devil

burn, the rocks move, the trees dance, came and fetched away five of them "

metamorphize himfelf into a flaming (vol. i. p. * 293).

man." Morton fays of the Indian con- See alfo Gookin's Indians, 1. Alafs.
jurers, " fome correfpondency they have Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 154; Young's
with the Devil out of all doubt ;" Wood, Chron. of Pilg., p. 356; and Cham-
to the fame effect, remarks that "by plain's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 171. Cham-
God's permiffion, through the Devil's plain fays the Indians do not worfhip
helpe, their charmes are of force to pro- any God ; "they have, however, fome
duce effects of wonderment;" Smith refpect for the devil."

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 1 5 1

meete from feverall parts of the Country, in amity with their
neighbours) hath advaunced his honor in his feats or jugling
tricks (as I may right tearme them) to the admiration of the
fpeclators, whome hee endevoured to perfwade that he would
goe under water to the further fide of a river, to broade for
any man to undertake with a breath, which thing hee per-
formed by fwimming over, and deluding the company with
caftins: a mift before their eies that fee him enter in and
come out, but no part of the way hee has bin feene : like-
wife by our Englifh, in the heat of all fummer to make Ice
appeare in a bowle of faire water ; firft, having the water fet
before him, hee hath begunne his incantation according to
their ufuall accuftome, and before the fame has bin
ended a thick Clowde has darkned the * aire and, on a * 35
fodane, a thunder clap hath bin heard that has amazed
the natives ; in an inftant hee hath fhewed a firme peece of
Ice to flote in the middeft of the bowle in the prefence of
the vulgar people, which doubtles was done by the agility
of Satan, his confort.

And by meanes of thefe Heights, and fuch like trivial
things as thefe, they gaine fuch eftimation amongft the reft
of the Salvages that it is thought a very impious matter for
any man to derogate from the words of thefe Powahs. In
fo much as hee that mould flight them, is thought to commit
a crime no leffe hainous amongft them as facriledge is with
us, as may appeare by this one paffage, which I wil fet forth
for an inftance.

A neighbour of mine that had entertain'd a Salvage into a Salvage en-
his fervice, to be his fador for the beaver trade amongft his ^iwdafac-
countrymen, delivered unto him divers parcells of commodi-
ties

152 New Englifli Canaan.

ties fit for them to trade with ; amongfl the reft there was

one coate of more efteeme then any of the other, and with

this his new entertained marchant man travels amonft his

countrymen to truck them away for beaver : as our cuftome

hath bin, the Salvage went up into the Country amongfl: his

neighbours for beaver, and returned with fome, but not enough

anfvverable to his Mafteers expectation, but being called to an

accompt, and efpecially for that one Coate of fpeciall note,

made aniwer that he had given that coate to Tantoquineo, a

Powah : to which his mafter in a rage cryed, what have I to

doe with Tantoquineo ? The Salvage, very angry at the

matter, cryed, what you fpeake ? you are not a very good

man ; wil you not give Tantoq. a coat ? whats this ? as

* 36 if he had offered * Tantoquineo the greateft indignity

that could be devifed : fo great is the eftimation and

reverence that thefe people have of thefe Iugling1 Powahs,

who are ufually fent for when any perfon is ficke and ill

at eafe to recover them, for which they receive rewards

An Fntfijii- as doe our Chirgeons and Phifitions ; and they doe make a

TjLeSg. °f trade of it, and boaft of their fkill where they come : 2 One

amongfl the reft did undertake to cure an Englifhman of

1 [Ingling.] Seefuftra, III. note I. HI. part, iii., where Mather fays: "In

2 In regard to the Indian Powaws, moft of their dangerous diftempers, it is
priefts, or medicine men, and their meth- a powaw that muft be fent for ; that is,
ods of dealing with the fick, fee the de- a prieft who has more familiarity with
tailed account in Champlain's Voyages, Satan than his neighbors ; this conjurer
vol. iii. pp. 171— 8 ; Joffelyn's Two Voya- comes and roars and howls and ufes
ges, p. 134; Wood's Prof peel, p. 71 ; Wil- magical ceremonies over the fick man,
liams's Key, ch.xxxi.; Cookies Indians, and will be well paid for it when he is
1. Mass. Hift.Coll., vol.i.p. 154; Young's done; if this don't effect the cure, the
Chron. ofPilg., pp. 317, 357; Lechford's 'man's time is come, and there's an
Plaine Dealing, (Trumbull's ed.) p. 117; end.' " For a fummary in Indian med-
Parkman's Jefuits in North America, ical practice, fee further, Ellis's Red
pp. lxxxiv-lxxxvii ; alfo Magnalia, B. Man and White A/an, pp. 127-33.

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 153

a fwelling of his hand for a parcell of bifkett, which being
delivered him hee tooke the party greived into the woods
afide from company, and with the helpe of the devill, (as
may be conjectured,) quickly recovered him of that fwelling,
and fent him about his worke againe.

Chap. X .

Of their duels, and the honourable ejlimation of viclory

obtained thereby.

THefe Salvages are not apt to quarrell one with another:
yet fuch hath bin the occafion that a difference hath
happened which hath growne to that height that it has not
bin reconciled otherwife then by combat, which hath bin per-
formed in this manner : the two champions prepared for the
fio;ht, with their bowes in hand and a quiver full of arrowes HmotheSaiv-
at their backs, they have entered into the field; the Chal- iheire dudis.
lenger and challenged have chofen two trees, ftanding
within * a little diflance of each other ; they have caft # 37
lotts for the cheife of the trees, then either champion
fetting himfelfe behinde his- tree watches an advantage to
let fly his fhafts, and to gall his enemy ; there they continue
fhooting at each other ; if by chaunce they efpie any part
open, they endeavour to gall the combatant in that part, and
ufe much agility in the performance of the tafke they have
in hand. Refolute they are in the execution of their ven-
geance, when once they have begunne ; and will in no wife
be daunted, or feeme to fhrinck though they doe catch a clap

with

iS4

New Englifli Canaan.

with an arrow, but fight it out in this manner untill one or
both be flaine.

I have bin (hewed the places where fuch duels have bin

performed, and have fuond the trees marked for a memoriall

Trees marked of the Combat, where that champion hath flood that had the

tv/l€f€ tllCV fief-

formeadueii. hap to be flaine in the duell : and they count it the greateft
honor that can be to the ferviving Cumbatant, to fliew the
fcares of the wounds received in this kinde of Conflict, and
if it happen to be on the arme, as thofe parts are moft in
danger in thefe cafes, they will alwayes weare a bracelet upon
that place of the arme, as a trophy of honor
to their dying day.

A marriage.

*38 *Chap. XI.

Of the maintaining of their Reputation.

REputation is fuch a thing that it keepes many men in
awe, even amongft Civilized nations, and is very much
flood upon : it is (as one hath very well noted) the awe of
great men and of Kings. And, fince I have obferved it to
be maintained amongfl Salvage people, I cannot chufe but
give an inflance thereof in this treatife, to confirme the
common receaved opinion thereof.

The Sachem or Sagamore of Sagus made choife, when
hee came to mans eflate, of a Lady of noble difcent, Daugh-
ter to Papafiquineo, the Sachem or Sagamore of the territo-
ries neare Merrimack River, a man of the befl note and
eftimation in all thofe parts, and (as my Countryman Mr.

Wood

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 155

Wood declares in his profpect) a great Nigromancer ; this
Lady the younge Sachem with the confent and good liking
of her father marries, and takes for his wife.1 Great enter-
tainement hee and his receaved in thofe parts at her fathers
hands, where they weare fefled in the bed manner that
might be expected, according to the Cuftome of their nation,
with reveline and fuch other folemnities as is ufuall among-ft
them. The folemnity being ended, Papafiquineo caufes a
felected number of his men to waite upon his Daughter
home into thofe parts that did properly belong to her Lord
and hufband ; where the attendants had entertainment by
the Sachem of Sagus and his Countrymen : the folemnity
being ended, the attendants were gratified.

Not long after the new married Lady had a great
* defire to fee her father and her native country, from * 39
whence fhee came ; her Lord willing to pleafure her
and not deny her requeft, amongft them thought to be rea-
fonable, commanded a felected number of his owne men to
conduct his Lady to her Father, wher, with great refpecl:,
they brought her ; and, having feafted there a while, returned
to their owne country againe, leaving the Lady to continue

there

1 Paffaconoway, already referred to made the fubject of a poem, The Bridal

(fupra, p. 150, note), dwelt at a place of Pennacook, by Whittier, and Drake

called Pennakook, and his dominions ex- repeats it ; but as Winnepurkitt is faid

tended over the fachems living upon the by Drake to have been born in 1616, and

Pifcataqua and its branches. The young to have fucceeded Montowampate as

Sachem of Saugus was named Win- Sachem in 1633, and as Morton, at the

nepurkitt, and was commonly known clofe of the prefent chapter, declares that

among the Englifh as George Rumney- " the lady, when I came out of the

marfh. He was a fon of Nanepafhemet, country [in 1630], remained ftill with her

and at one time proprietor of Deer father," the whole ftory would feem to be

Ifland in Bofton Harbor. (Drake's Book not only highly inconiiftent with what

of the Indians, ed. 1851, pp. 105, in, we know of Indian life and habits, but

27S.) The incident in the text has been alfo at variance with facts and dates.

156 New Englifh Canaan.

there at her owne pleafure, amongft her friends and old ac-
quaintance ; where fhee paffed away the time for a while, and
in the end defired to returne to her Lord againe. Her father,
An ambaffage the old Papafiquineo, having notice of her intent, fent fome
JpJiiqmneo 7<? of his men on ambaffage to the younge Sachem, his fonne in
tw/a'sac/Jm. law> to let nmi underftand that his daughter was not willing
to abfent her felfe from his company any longer, and ther-
fore, as the meffengers had in charge, defired the younge
Lord to fend a convoy for her ; but hee, Handing upon
tearmes of honor, and the maintaining of his reputation,
returned to his father in law this anfwere, that, when fhe
departed from him, hee caufed his men to waite upon her to
her fathers territories, as it did become him ; but, now fhee
had an intent to returne, it did become her father to fend
her back with a convoy of his own people ; and that it flood
not with his reputation to make himfelf or his men fo fervile,
to fetch her againe. The old Sachem Papafiquineo, having
this meffage returned, was inraged to think that his young
fon in law did not efteeme him at a higher rate then to
capitulate with him about the matter, and returne[d] him
this fharpe reply ; that his daughters bloud and birth de-
ferred more refpect then to be fo flighted ; and, therefore,
if he would have her company, hee were belt to fend or

come for her.

* 40 * The younge Sachem, not willing to under value

himfelfe and being a man of a flout fpirit, did not

flick to fay that hee fhould cither fend her by his owne

Convey, or keepe her ; for hee was determined not 1 to floope

fo lowe.

1 [not determined.] Seefi//>ra, III, note 1.

New Englijli Canaan. 157

So much thefe two Sachems flood upon tearmes of repu-
tation with each other, the one would not fend her, and the
other would not fend for her, leaft it mould be any diminifh-
ing of honor on his part that mould feeme to comply, that
the Lady (when I came out of the Country) remained ftill
with her father; which is a thinge worth the noting, that
Salvage people mould feeke to maintaine their reputation fo
much as they doe.

Chap. XII.

Of their trafficke and trade one with another.

ALthough thefe people have not the ufe of navigation,
whereby they may trafficke as other nations, that are
civilized, ufe to doe, yet doe they barter for fuch commodi- Beads injiead
ties as they have, and have a kinde of beads, infteede of °f <mey'
money, to buy withall fuch things as they want, which they
call Wampampeak : and it is of two forts, the one is white,
the other is of a violet coloure. Thefe are made of the fhells
of fifhe. The white with them is as filver with us ; the other
as our gould: and for thefe beads they buy and fell, not
onely amongft themfelves, but even with us.

* We have ufed to fell them any of our commodities * 4 1 The name of
for this Wampampeak, becaufe we know we can have Wampampeak.

beaver againe of them for it : and thefe beads are currant in
all the parts of New England, from one end of the Coaft
to the other.

And although fome have indevoured by example to have
the like made of the fame kinde of fhels, yet none hath ever,

158

New Englifli Canaan.

as yet, attained to any perfection in the compofure of them,
but that the Salvages have found a great difference to be
in the one and the other ; and have knowne the counterfett
beads from thofe of their owne making ; and have, and doe
flight them.1

The fkinnes of beafts are fould and bartered, to fuch

people

1 Joffelyn's account of the Indian
wampum is written, more than any-
other which has come down to us, in the
fpirit of the New Canaan : " Their Mer-
chandize are their beads, which are their
money, of thefe there are two forts, blew
Beads and white Beads, the firft is their
Gold, the laft their Silver, thefe they
work out of certain fhells fo cunningly
that neither Jew nor Devil can counter-
feit, they dril them and firing them, and
make many curious works with them to
adorn the perfons of their Sagamores
and principal men and young women, as
Belts, Girdles, Tablets, Borders for their
womens hair, Bracelets, Necklaces, and
links to hang in their ears. Prince
Phillip, a little before I came for Eng-
land, coming to Bofton, had a coat on
and Bufkins fet thick with thefe Beads
in pleafant wild works, and a broad belt
of the fame ; his Accoutrements were
valued at Twenty pounds. The Englifli
Merchant giveth them ten (hillings a
fathom for their white, and as much
more or near upon for their blew beads."
{Two Voyages, pp. 142-3.)

There is a much better defcription of
wampum in Lawfon's account of Caro-
lina, quoted by Drake {Book of the In-
dians, p. 328), in which he fays that
wampum was current money among the
Indians "all over the continent, as far
as the bay of Mexico." Lawfon's ex-
planation of the fact: that wampum was
not counterfeited to any confiderable
extent is much more natural than Mor-

ton's. It coft more to counterfeit it than
it was worth. " To make this Peak
it coft the Englifli five or ten times as
much as they could get for it; whereas
it coft the Indians nothing, becaufe they
fet no value upon their time, and there-
fore have no competitors to fear, or that
others will take its manufacture out of
their hands."

Roger Williams {Key, ch. xxvi.) de-
votes confiderable fpace to this fubjecl,
and fays : " They [the Indians] hang
thefe firings of money about their necks
and wrifts ; as alfo upon the necks and
wrifts of their wives and children. They
make [girdles] curioufly of one, two,
three, foure and five inches thicknefs and
more, of this money which (fometimes
to the value of ten pounds and more)
they weare about their middle and as a
fcarfe about their flioulders and breafts.
Yea, the Princes make rich Caps and
Aprons (or fmall breeches) of thefe
Beads thus curioufly fining into many
formes and figures : their blacke and
white finely mixt together " See alfo
Trumbull's notes in his edition of the
Key, and Palfrey, vol. i. p. 3 1 . Parkman
{Jcfuits in North America, pp. xxxi.,
lxi.) fays of wampum : " This was at
once their currency, their ornament, their
pen, ink and parchment." He defcribes
the ufes to which it was put among the
Hurons and Iroquois, but adds : " The
art [of working it] foon fell into difufe,
however ; for wampum better than their
own was brought them by the traders,

befides

New Englifli Canaa7t. 159

people as have none of the fame kinde in the parts where
they live.1

Likewife they have earthen potts of divers fizes, from a
quarte to a gallon, 2. or 3. to boyle their vitels in ; very
ftronge, though they be thin like our Iron potts.

They have dainty wooden bowles of maple, of highe
price amongft them ; and thefe are difperfed by bartering
one with the other, and are but in certaine parts of the
Country made, where the feverall trades are appropriated to
the inhabitants of thofe parts onely.

So likewife (at the feafon of the yeare) the Salvages that

live by the Sea fide for trade with the inlanders for frefh

water, reles curious filver reles,2 which are bought up of fuch

as have them not frequent in other places : cheftnuts,

and fuch like ufefull * things as one place affordeth, * 42

are fould to the inhabitants of another, where they are

a novelty accompted amongft the natives of the land.3 And

there is no fuch thing to barter withall, as is their Wham-

pampeake.

Chapter XIII.

befides abundant imitations in glafs and have been turned into " reles " through

porcelain." the compofitor's inability to decipher

1 " How have foule hands (in fmoakie copy.

houfes) the firft handling of thefe Furres 3 There is not much to be faid on

which are often worne upon the hands the manufactures, utenfils and trade of

of Queens and heads of Princes ! " (Wil- the New England aborigines. Gookin

Hams 's Key, p. 158.) (1. Mafs. Htfl. Coll., vol. i. p. 151) has

2 There is obvioufly fome corruption a comprehenfive paragraph on the fub-
of the original manufcript here, but I jedt, and there is a paflage in Joffelyn
have been unable to obtain any even {Two Voyages, p. 143). See alfo Wil-
plaufible fuggeftion of what word may liams's Key, ch. xxv.

160 New Englifh Canaan.

Chap. XIII.

Of their Magazines or Storehowfes.

kHefe people are not without providence, though they be
uncivilized, but are carefull to preferve foede in ftore
What care they againft winter ; which is the corne that they laboure and
'cor^forwZ dreffe in the fummer. And, although they eate freely of it,
ter- whiles it is growinge, yet have they a care to keepe a con-

venient portion thereof to releeve them in the dead of winter,
(like to the Ant and the Bee,) which they put under ground.
Their barnes are holes made in the earth, that will hold a
Hogfhead of corne a peece in them. In thefe (when their
corne is out of the hufke and well dried) they lay their ftore
in greate bafkets (which they make of Sparke1) with matts
under, about the fides, and on the top ; and putting it into
the place made for it, they cover it with earth : and in this
manner it is preferved from deflru6lion or putrifaction ; to
be ufed in cafe of neceffity, and not elfe.2

And

1 Joffelyn alfo fpeaks of "bafkets, "Their corn being ripe, they gather it,
bags and mats woven with Sparke.'1'' and drying it hard in the Sun, conveigh
{Two Voyages, p. 143.) "Spart," Mr. it to their barnes, which be great holes
Trumbull writes, "was a northern Eng- digged in the ground in forme of a
lifh name for the dwarf-rufh, and (as braffe pot, feeled with rinds of trees,
'fpart' in the gloffaries) for ofiers, and wherein they put their corne, covering
I gue/s, Morton's and JolTelyn's fparke it from the inquifitive fearch of their
is another form of that name-" Gookin gurmundizing hufbands, who would eate
fays (1. Mafs. Hijt. Coll., vol. i. p. 151): "P both their allowed portion, and re-
" Some of their bafkets are made of ferved feed, if they knew where to finde
rufhes ; fome, of bents ; others, of maize- it- But our hogges having found a way
hufks ; others, of a kind of filk grafs ; to unhindge their barne doores, and
others, of a kind of wild hemp ; and robbe their garners, they are glad to
fome, of barks of trees." implore their hufbands helpe to roule

2 Wood fays of the Indian women : the bodies of trees over their holes, to

prevent

New Engli/Ji Canaan. 161

And I am perfwaded, that if they knew the benefit * 43
of Salte * (as they may in time,) and the meanes to
make falte meate frefh againe, they would endeaver to pre-
ferve fifhe for winter, as well as corne ; and that if any
thinge bring them to civility, it will be the ufe of Salte, to
have foode in ftore, which is a cheife benefit in a civilized
Commonwealth.

Thefe people have begunne already to incline to the ufe TheybeggSaite
of Salte. Many of them would begge Salte of mee for to
carry home with them, that had frequented our howfes and
had been acquainted with our Salte meats : and Salte I
willingly gave them, although I fould them all things elfe,
onely becaufe they fhould be delighted with the ufe there of,
and thinke it a commodity of no value in it felfe, allthough
the benefit was great that might be had by the ufe of it.

Chap. XIV.

Of their e Subtilety.

THefe people are not, as fome have thought, a dull, or
flender witted people, but very ingenious, and very
fubtile. I could give maine inftances to maintaine mine
opinion of them in this ; but I will onely relate one, which
is a paffage worthy to be obferved.

prevent thefe pioneers, whofe theevery have, too, a great unkindnefs for our

they as much hate as their flefh." fwine ; but I fuppofe that is becaufe

(Proffiefl, p. 81.) Mather alfo, in enu- the hogs devour the clams, which are

merating the points of refemblance be- a dainty with them."

tween the Indians and the Ifraelites, * See Ellis's Red Man and White

{Magnalia, B. in. part iii.) fays : " They Man, p. 148 ; alfo, infra, 175, n.

1 62 New Englifh Canaan,

* 44 * In the Maffachuffets bay lived Cheecatawback,1
the Sachem or Sagamore of thofe territories, who had
large dominions which hee did appropriate to himfelfe.

Into thofe parts came a greate company of Salvages from
the territories of Narohiganfet, to the number of ioo. per-
fons ; and in this Sachems Dominions they intended to
winter.

When they went a hunting for turkies they fpreade over
fuch a greate fcope of ground that a Turkie could hardily
efcape them : Deare they killed up in greate abundance, and
feafted their bodies very plentifully : Beavers they killed by
They trade no allowance ; the fkinnes of thofe they traded away at Waf-
ajkmneseaforrs fagufcus with my neighboures 2 for corne, and fuch other
come. commodities as they had neede of ; and my neighboures had

a wonderfull great benefit by their being in thofe parts.
Yea, fometimes (like genious fellowes) they would prefent
their Marchant with a fatt beaver fkinne, alwayes the tayle
a beaver jkinnevjus not diminifhed, but prefented full and whole ; although
I!» o/^grea/ the tayle is a prefent for a Sachem,3 and is of fuch mafcu-
ejiimaaon. \a[ne vertue that if fome of our Ladies knew the benefit
thereof they would defire to have fhips fent of purpofe to-
trade for the tayle alone : it is fuch a rarity, as is not more
efteemed of then reafon doth require.

But the Sachem Cheecatawbak, (on whofe poffeffions they
ufurped, and converted the commodities thereof to their

owne

1 This Sachem has already been fuffi- were William Jeffrey, John Burfley and
ciently referred to {Supra, p. II.) All fuch others of the Robert Gorges expe-
that is known concerning him can be dition of 1623 as ftill remained there,
found in Drake's Book of the India/is, {Supra, 4, 24, 30.) See alfo Mafs. Hifl.
(ed. 1851), pp. 107-9. Soc- Proc- l878> P- x98-

2 Morton's neighbors at Weffagufcus 3 Infra, *-jy.

New Engli/Ji Canaan. 163

owne ufe, contrary to his likeing,) not being of power to

refiffc them, praclifed to doe it by a fubtile ftratagem. a fubtiie plot

And to that end * gave it out amongft us, that the * 45

caufe why thefe other Salvages of the Narohiganfets

came into thefe parts, was to fee what ftrength we were of,

and to watch an opportunity to cut us off, and take that

which they found in our cuftody ufefull for them ; And

added further, they would burne our howfes, and that they

had caught one of his men, named Mefhebro, and compelled

him to difcover to them where their barnes, Magazines, or

ftorehowfes were, and had taken away his corne ; and feemed

to be in a pittifull perplexity about the matter.

And, the more to adde reputation to this tale, defires
that his wifes and children might be harbered in one of our
howfes. This was graunted; and my neighbours put on
corflets, headpeeces, and weapons defenlive and offenfive.

This thing being knowne to Cheecatawback, hee caufed
fome of his men to bring the Narohiganfets to trade, that
they might fee the preparation. The Salvage, that was
a ftranger to the plott, (imply comming to trade, and find-
ding his merchants lookes like lobfters, all cladd in harneffe,
was in a maze to thinke what would be the end of it.
Hafte hee made to trade away his furres, and tooke anything
for them, wifhing himfelfe well rid of them and of the com-
pany in the howfe.

But (as the manner has bin) hee muft eate fome furmety1 a Salvage

fC(XTCii*

before hee goe : downe hee fits and eats, and withall had an

eie

1 "Frumenty, n. [M(o furmenty and foned with fugar, cinnamon, &c." Web-
fumety ; from Lat. frumentu»i\. Food fter.
made of wheat boiled in milk, and fea-

164 New Engli/Ii Canaan.

eie on every fide ; and now and then faw a fword or a dagger
layd a thwart a head peece, which hee wondered at,
* 46 and afked his * giude whether the company were not
angry. The guide, (that was privy to his Lords plot)
anfwered in his language that hee could not tell. But the
harmeleffe Salvage, before hee had halfe filled his belly,
flarted up on a fodayne, and ranne out of the howfe in fuch
haft that hee left his furmety there, and ftayed not to looke
behinde him who came after : Glad hee was that he had
efcaped fo.

The fubtile Sachem, hee playd the tragedian, and fained
a feare of being furprifed ; and lent to fee whether the ene-
mies (as the Meffenger termed them) were not in the howfe ;
and comes in a by way with his wifes and children, and
ftopps the chinkes of the out howfe, for feare the fire might
be feene in the night, and be a meanes to direcT: his enemies
where to finde them.

And, in the meane time, hee prepared for his Ambaffador
to his enemies a Salvage,1 that had lived 12. moneths in Eng-
land, to the end it might adde reputation to his ambaffage.
a Salvage that This man hee fends to thofe intruding Narohiganfets, to tell
Mowtks in them that they did very great injury to his Lord, to trench
fo"glaan Am- uPon n^s prerogatives : and advifed them to put up their
bajfador. pipes, and begon in time : if they would not, that his Lord
would come upon them, and in his ayd his freinds the
Englifh, who were up in armes already to take his part, and
compell them by force to be gone, if they refufed to depart

by faire meanes.

This

1 Squanto. See infra, *io4-

New Engli/Ii Canaan, 165

This meffage, comming on the neck of that which
* doubtleffe the fearefull Salvage had before related of * 47
his efcape, and what hee had obferved, caufed all thofe
hundred Narohiganfets (that meant us no hurt) to be gone
with bagg, and baggage. And my neighboures were gulled a good oppor-
by the fubtilety of this Sachem, and loft the beft trade of ^ckh/bytiie
beaver that ever they had for the time ; and in the end Radian. °f
found theire error in this kinde of credulity when it was
too late.

Chap. XV.

Of their admirable perfection, in the ufe of the fences.

THis is a thinge not onely obferved by mee and diverfe
of the Salvages of New England, but, alfo, by the
French men in Nova Francia, and therefore I am the more
incouraged to publifh in this Treatice my obfervation of
them in the ufe of theire fences : which is a thinge that I
fhould not eafily have bin induced to beleeve, if I my felfe
had not bin an eie witneffe of what I fhall relate.

I have obferved that the Salvages have the fence of feeing 755* salvages
fo farre beyond any of our Nation, that one would allmoft 0f/eeinge{"t£r
beleeve they had intelligence of the Devill fometimes, when %™ the Eng'
they have tould us of a fhipp at Sea, which they have
feene * foener by one hower, yea, two howers fayle, * 48
then any Englifh man that flood by of purpofe to
looke out, their fight is fo excellent.

Their eies indeede are black as iett ; and that coler is
accounted the ftrongeft for fight. And as they excell us in

this

1 66 New Engli/Ji Canaan.

this particular fo much noted, fo I thinke they excell us in
all the reft.

This I am fure I have well obferved, that in the fence of
fmelling they have very great perfection ; which is confirmed
by the opinion of the French that are planted about Can-
ada, who have made relation that they are fo perfect in the
Salvages that ufe of that fence, that they will diftinguifh between a Span-
T spanfard i'ird and a Frenchman by the fent of the hand onely.1 And
man%re;!t l am perfwaded that the Author of this Relation has feene
{"dud ^ t/u very Pr°t>able reafons that have induced him to be of that
opinion ; and I am the more willing to give credit thereunto,
becaufe I have obferved in them fo much as that comes to.

I have feene a Deare paffe by me upon a neck of Land,

and a Salvage that has purfued him by the view. I have

accompanied him in this purfuite ; and the Salvage, pricking

a Deare pur- the Deare, comes where hee findes the view of two deares

vitw 0} the together, leading feveral wayes. One, hee was fure, was

jounJZnd* frefh, but which (by the fence of feeing) hee could not judge ;

killed. therefore, with his knife, hee diggs up the earth of one ; and,

by fmelling, fayes, that was not of the frefh Deare : then

diggs hee up the other ; and viewing and fmelling to that,

concludes it to be the view of the frefh Deare, which hee

had purfued ; and thereby followes the chafe, and

* 49 killes that * Deare, and I did eate part of it with him :

fuch is their perfection in thefe two fences.

Chapter XVI.

1 In reference to this paffage, Mr. affertions in queftion. In fa6t, as there
Francis Parkman writes: "I have were no Spaniards in Canada, and likely
fearched my memory in vain for any- to be none on French veffels going there,
tiling in the early French writers an- Indians of thofe parts would hardly have
fwerfng to Morton's ftatement. I don't the opportunity of d i Hi ngui filing be-
think that Cartier, Champlain, Biard, tween them by fmell or otherwife. In-
Lefcarbot or Le Jeune, the principal wri- deed, they did not know the exiftence of
ters before 1635, make the extraordinary fuch a nation."

New Englifh Canaan. 167

Chap. XVI.

Of their acknowledgment of the Creatio7t, and immortality of

the Soule.

Lthough thefe Salvages are found to be without Reli-

gion, Law, and King (as Sir William Alexander hath
well obferved,1) yet are they not altogether without the
knowledge of God (hiftorically) ; for they have it amongft
them by tradition that God made one man and one woman,
and bad them live together and get children, kill deare,
beafts, birds, fifh and fowle, and what they would at their
pleafure ; and that their pofterity was full of evill, and made
God fo angry that hee let in the Sea upon them, and
drowned the greater! part of them, that were naughty men,
(the Lord deitroyed fo;) and they went to Sanaconquam, m bdecfe of
who feeds upon them (pointing to the Center of the Earth, ' vages'
where they imagine is the habitation of the Devill : ) the
other, (which were not deflroyed,) increafed the world, and
when they died (becaufe they were good) went to the howfe
of Kytan, pointing to the fetting of the fonne ; 2 where they

eate

1 Supra, * 27, ?wte. " I have not met with the name San-

2 " Kytan was an appellation of the aconquam elfewhere : at leaft I do not
greateft 7iianito. The word fignifies remember feeing it except in Morton,
'greateft' or 'pre-eminent' See my The derivation is apparently from a
note (p. 207) in Lechford's Plaine Deal- word meaning to prefs upon, to op-prefs,
ing (p. 120), where is mention of ' Ki- to crufh, or the like." (M anvfcript Let-
tan, their good god.' Roger Williams ter of J. H. Trumbull, June 25. 1882.)
in a letter to Thomas Thorowgood, 1635, See, alfo, authorities referred to ft-
names ' their god Kuttand to the fouth- pra, p.140, note, and alfo Ellis's Red Man
welt' (Jewes in America, 1650, p. 6) and White Man. pp. 134-9. Morellhas
but in his Key, he writes the name Cau- a paffage on the Indian's methods of
tantowit ( To the Reader, p. 24.) i. e., worfhip in his poem. (1. Mafs. Hifl.
Keihte-anito — 'greateft manito.' Coll., vol. i. p. 136.)

i68

New Englifli Canaan.

The Sonne
called Kytatt.

eate all manner of dainties, and never take paines (as now)
to provide it.

Kytan makes provifion (they fay) and faves them that

laboure ; and there they fhall live with him forever,

50 * voyd of care.1 And they are perfwaded that Kytan

is hee that makes corne growe, trees growe, and all

manner of fruits.

And that wee that ufe the booke of Common prayer doo it
to declare to them, that cannot reade, what Kytan has com-
maunded us, and that wee doe pray to him with the helpe
of that booke ; 2 and doe make fo much accompt of it, that a

Salvage

1 Roger Williams fays : " They will
relate how they have it from their
Fathers, that Kantantowwit made one
man and woman of a ftone, which diflik-
ing, he broke them in pieces, and made
another man and woman of a tree, which
were the Fountaines of all mankind."
(Key, ch. xxi.)

" They believe that the foules of men
and women goe to the Sou-weft, their
great and good men and women to Can-
tantowwit his Houfe, where they have
hopes (as the Turks have) of carnal
Joyes : Murtherers, theeves and Lyers,
their fouls (fay they) wander reftleffe
abroad." (lb.)

Wood, enlarging on this, fays : " Yet
do they hold the immortality of the
never-dying foul, that it fhall paffeto the
South-weft Elyftum, concerning which
their Indian faith jumps much with
the TurkiJJi Alchoran, holding it to be
a kind of Paradife, wherein they fhall
everlaftingly abide, folacing themfelves
in odoriferous Gardens, fruitfull corn-
fields, green meadows, bathing their
hides in the coole ftreams of pleafant
Rivers, and fhelter themfelves from
heat and cold in the fumptuous Pallaces
framed by the fkill of Natures curious

contrivement. Concluding that neither
care nor pain fhall moleft them but that
Natures bounty wil adminifter all things
with a voluntary contribution from the
overflowing ftorehoufe of their Elyfian
Hofpital, at the portall whereof they
fay lies a great Dog, whofe churlifh
fnarlings deny a Pax intrantibus. to un-
worthy intruders." (Pro/peel, p. 79.)

Parkman fays : " The primitive Indian
believed in the immortality of the foul,
but he did not always believe in a ftate
of future reward and punifhment."
CJefuits in North America, p. lxxx.)
Referring to a cafe in which one of the
Jefuits quoted an Indian as faying
" there was no future life," Parkman
adds : " It would be difficult to find an-
other inftance of the kind."

The romantic view of the Indian on
this point was taken by Arnold, in his
Hi/lory of Rhode I/land (vol. i. p. 78),
and the realiftic view by Palfrey, in his
New England (vol. i. p. 49); and,
though writing at the fame time, the
two feem to be controverting each other.
See Ellis's Red Man and White Man,
p. 115.

2 Supra, p. 93.

New Rnglifli Canaan. 169

Salvage (who had lived in my howfe before hee had taken a

wife, by whome hee had children) made this requeft to mee,

(knowing that I allwayes ufed him with much more refpecl:

than others,) that I would let his fonne be brought up in my a Salvage de-

howfe, that hee might be taught to reade in that booke : }Z>i ° brmtgkt

which requeft of his I granted; and hee was a very joyfull looLZ/Vmi.

man to thinke that his fonne mould thereby (as hee faid) monPraycr-

become an Englishman ; and then hee would be a good

man.

I afked him who was a good man ; his anfwere was, hee
that would not lye, nor fteale.

Thefe, with them, are all the capitall crimes that can be

imagined ; all other are nothing in refpecl; of thofe ; 1 and

hee that is free from thefe muft live with Kytan

for ever, in all manner of

pleafure.

*Chap. XVII. *5i

Of their Annals and funerals.

THefe people, that have by tradition fome touch of the Their cujiom
immortality of the foule, have likewife a cuftome to *

make

1 Roger Williams, alfo, in a paflage and fpeaking untruth : and unto Healing,

juft quoted (fupra, 168, note), fpeaks efpecially from the Englifh " (i. Mafs.

of the future punifhment fuppofed, Hijt. Coll., vol. i. p. 149). Winflow

among the New England Indians, to be defcribes the fevere punifhments inflicl-

allotted to thieves and liars. Joffelyn, ed for theft (Young's Chron. of Pilg.,

on the other hand, defcribes them as p. 364). Dodge, in his Wild Indians

"veryfingurativeortheevifli'^Tw^F^- (pp. 63-5), explains this difcrepancy in

ages, p. 125); and Gookin fays : "They the authorities. He fays: "All thefe

are naturally much addicted to lying authors are both right and wrong. In

their

i7 o New Englifh Canaan.

make fome monuments over the place where the corps is
interred : But they put a greate difference betwene perfons
of noble, and of ignoble, or obfcure, or inferior difcent. For
indeed, in the grave of the more noble they put a planck
in the bottom for the corps to be layed upon, and on each
Their manner fide a plancke, and a plancke upon the top in forme of a

of Monuments. ^^ ^^ ^ ^^ ^ ^qq ^ ^^ ^^ ^^

they erect fome thing over the grave in forme of a hearfe
cloath, as was that of Cheekatawbacks mother, which the
Plimmouth planters defaced becaufe they accounted it an act
of fuperftition ; which did breede a brawle as hath bin before
related ; 1 for they hold impious and inhumane to deface the
monuments of the dead. They themfelves efteeme of it as
piaculum ; and have a cuftome amongft them to keepe their
annals and come at certaine times to lament and bewaile the
lofTe of their freind ; and ufe to black their faces, which they
At burriah, fo weare, inftead of a mourning ornament, for a longer or
}2es.a' r a fhorter time according to the dignity of the perfon : fo
is their annals kept and obferved with their accuftomed
folemnity. Afterwards they abfolutely abandon the place,
becaufe they fuppofe the fight thereof will but renew their
forrow.2

their own bands, Indians are perfectly faculty is held in the higheft eftima-

honeft. ... It [theft] is the fole unpar- tion."

donable crime anions Indians." He 1 The reference is to ch. iii. of the

then defcribes, like Window, the fever- Third Booke {infra, *io6-8). This paf-

ityof the puniflimentsinfliaed for thefts; fage would feem to indicate that the

"but," he adds, "this wonderfully ex- third book of the New Canaan was writ-

ceptional honefty extends no further ten firft, and that the two other books

than to the members of his immediate were prepared fubfequently, probably in

band. To all outfide of it, the Indian imitation of Wood's Profpccl. (See

is not only one of the moft arrant fupra, 78.)

thieves in the world, but this quality or 2 " Yea, I faw with mine owne eyes

that

New E,7tgliJ7i Canaan.

171

* It was a thing very offensive to them, at our firft ^52
comming into thofe parts, to afke of them for any one
that had bin dead ; but of later times it is not lb offenfively
taken to renew the memory of any defeafed perfon, becaufe
by our example (which they are apt to followe) it is made
more familiare unto them ; and they marvell to fee no monu-
ments over our dead, and therefore thinke no great Sachem
is yet come into thofe parts, or not as yet deade ; becaufe

they fee the graves all alike.

Chapter XVIII.

that at my late commi ng forth of the Coun-
trey, the chiefe and mod aged peace-
able Father of the countrey, Caunoflni-
cus, having buried his fonne, he burned
his owne Palace, and all his goods in it,
(amongft them to a great value) in a
follemne remembrance of his fonne, and
in a kind of humble Expiation to the
Gods, who, (as they believe) had taken
his fonne from him." (Williams's Key,
ch. xxxii.) In the fame paffage Williams
fays : " Upon the Grave is fpread the Mat
that the party died on, the Difh he ate
in, and, fometimes, a faire Coat of fkin
hung upon the next tree to the Grave,
which none will touch, but fuffer it there
to rot with the dead." See alfo Young's
Chron. of Pilg., pp. 142, 143, 154, 363 ;
Strachey's Hi/lorie, p. 90.

"In times of general Mortality they
omit the Ceremonies of burying, expos-
ing their dead Carkafes to the Beafts of
prey. But at other times they dig a Pit
and fet the difeafed therein upon his
breech upright, and, throwing in the
earth, cover it with the fods and bind
them down with flicks, driving in two
flakes at each end ; their mournings
are fomewhat like the howlings of the
Irifh, feldom at the grave but in the
Wigwam where the party dyed, blaming
the Devil for his hard-heartednefs, and
concluding with rude prayers to him to
afflict them no further." (Joffelyn, Two
Voyages, p. 132.) There is a highly
characleriftic paffage to the fame effect
in Wood's Pro/peel, p. 79.

172 New Englifli Canaan.

Chap. XVIII.

Of their Cuftome in burning the Country, and the reafon

thereof

THe Salvages are accuftomed to fet fire of the Country
in all places where they come, and to burne it twize
a yeare, viz : at the Spring, and the fall of the leafe. The
reafon that mooves them to doe fo, is becaufe it would
The Saiva- other wife be fo overgrowne with underweedes that it would
scoimiry'e De all a coppice wood, and the people would not be able
twice a yeare. jn any w^e to paffe through the Country out of a beaten
path.

The meanes that they do it with, is with certaine minerall
ftones, that they carry about them in baggs made for that
purpofe of the fkinnes of little beaftes, which they convert
into good lether, carrying in the fame a peece of
* 53 touch wood, very excellent *for that purpofe, of their
owne making.1 Thefe minerall ftones they have from
the Piquenteenes, (which is to the Southward of all the
plantations in New England,) by trade and trafficke with
thofe people.

The burning of the graffe deflroyes the underwoods, and
fo fcorcheth the elder trees that it fhrinkes them, and hin-
ders their grouth very much : fo that hee that will looke to
finde large trees and good tymber, mull not depend upon
the help of a woodden profpe6t to finde them on the upland

ground ;

1 Supra, 143.

New Rnglijli Canaan. 173

ground ; x but muft feeke for them, (as I and others have
done,) in the lower grounds, where the grounds are wett,
when the Country is fired, by reafon of the fnow water that
remaines there for a time, untill the Sunne by continuance
of that hath exhaled the vapoures of the earth, and dried up
thofe places where the fire, (by reafon of the moifture,) can
have no power to doe them any hurt : and if he would
endevoure to finde out any goodly Cedars, hee mull: not
feeke for them on the higher grounds, but make his inqueft
for them in the vallies, for the Salvages, by this cuftome of
theirs, have fpoiled all the reft: for this cuftome hath bin
continued from the beginninge.

And leaft their firing of the Country in this manner
fhould be an occafion of damnifying us, and indaingering
our habitations, wee our felves have ufed carefully about the
fame times to obferve the winds, and fire the grounds about
our owne habitations ; to prevent the Dammage that might
happen by any neglect thereof, if the fire fhould come neere
thofe howfes in our abfence.

* For, when the fire is once kindled, it dilates and * 54
fpreads it felfe as well againft, as with the winde;
burning continually night and day, untill a fliower of raine
falls to quench it.

And this cuftome of firing the Country is the meanes to
make it paffable ; and by that meanes the trees growe here
and there as in our parks : and makes the Country very
beautifull and commodious.

Chapter XIX.

1 The reference is to Wood's New the Indian cuftom of firing the country
England's ProfpeH, p. 13 ; where, alfo, in November is defcribed.

174 New Englifh Canaan,

Chap. XIX.

Of their inclination to Drunkennejfe.

ALthough Drunkenneffe be juflly termed a vice which
the Salvages are ignorant of, yet the benefit is very
great that comes to the planters by the fale of flrong liquor
to the Salvages, who are much taken with the delight of it ;
for they will pawne their wits, to purchafe the acquaintance
of it. Yet in al the commerce that I had with them, I never
proffered them any fuch thing ; nay, I would hardly let any
of them have a drame, unles hee were a Sachem, or a
Winnaytue, that is a rich man, or a man of eftimation next
in degree to a Sachem or Sagamore. I alwayes tould them
it was amongfl us the Sachems drinke. But they fay if I
come to the Northerne parts of the Country I fhall have no
trade, if I will not fupply them with lufty liquors : it is the
life of the trade in all thofe parts : for it fo happened that
thus a Salvage defperately killed himfelfe ; when hee was
drunke, a gunne being charged and the cock up, hee fets
the mouth to his breft, and, putting back the tricker with his

foote, fhot himfelfe dead.1

Chapter XX.

1 Gookinfays: "This beaftly fin of evil and beaftly fin of drunkennefs."
drunkennefs could not be charged upon (i. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 151.)
the Indians before the Englifh and In regard to the peculiarities of In-
other Chriftian nations, as Dutch, dian drunkennefs, fee Dodge's Wild
French, and Spaniards, came to dwell Indians, pp. 333-5. What is there
in America: which nations, efpecially faid of the Indians of "the plains" is
the Englifh in New-England, have caufe probably true of all the northern Ameri-
to be greatly humbled before God, that can Indians. " This paffion for intoxi-
thev have been, and are, inftrumental to cation amounts almoft to an infanity.
caufe thefe Indians to commit this great ... To drink liquor as a beverage,

for

New Englifli Canaan. 175

Chap. XX. * 55

That the Salvages live a contended life.

A Gentleman and a traveller, that had bin in the parts
of New England for a time, when hee retorned againe,
in his difcourfe of the Country, wondered, (as hee faid,) that
the natives of the land lived fo poorely in fo rich a Country,
like to our Beggers in England. Surely that Gentleman
had not time or leafure whiles hee was there truely to
informe himfelfe of the ftate of that Country, and the happy
life the Salvages would leade weare they once brought to
Chriftianity.
- 1 muft confeffe they want the ufe and benefit of Naviga- The Salvages

.. / i • 1 • j 1 r r n • n • /"> want the art

tion, (which is the very linnus of a rlounlhing Common- 0j navigation.
wealth,) yet are they fupplied with all manner of needefull
things for the maintenance of life and lifelyhood. Foode
and rayment are the cheife of all that we make true ufe of ;
and of thefe they finde no want, but have, and may have,
them in a moft plentifull manner.1

for the gratification of tafte, or for the a beaft, covering their hind-parts, their

fake of pleafurable conviviality, is fome- fore-parts having but a little apron,

thing of which the Indian can form no where nature calls for fecrecy; their

conception. His idea of pleafure in diet has not a greater dainty than their

the ufe of ftrong drink is to get drunk, Nokehick, that is a fpoonful of their

and the quicker and more complete that parched meal, with a fpoonful of water,

effect, the better he likes it." which will ftrengthen them to travel a

1 " They live in a country where we day to-gether ; except we fhould men-

now have all the conveniences of human tion the flefh of deers, dears, mqfe,

life : but as for them, their houfeng is rackoons, and the like, which they have

nothing but a few i?iats tyed about poles when they can catch them; as alfo a

fattened in the earth, where a good fire little JiJJi, which, if they would pre-

is their bed-clothes in the coldeft fea- ferve, it was by drying, not by falling ;

fons ; their clothing is but a fkin of for they had not a grain of fait in the

world,

176 New Englifh Canaan.

If our beggers of England fhould, with fo much eafe as
they, furnifh themfelves with foode at all feafons, there
would not be fo many ftarved in the ftreets, neither would
fo many gaoles be fluffed, or galloufes furniflied with poore

wretches, as I have feene them.
* 56 * But they of this fort of our owne nation, that are fitt
to goe to this Canaan, are not able to tranfport them-
felves ; and moft of them unwilling to goe from the good ale
tap, which is the very loadftone of the lande by which our
Englifh beggers fteere theire Courfe ; it is the Northpole
to which the flowre-de-luce of their compaffe points. The
more is the pitty that the Commonalty of oure Land are of
fuch leaden capacities as to neglect fo brave a Country, that
doth fo plentifully feede maine lufty and a brave, able men,
women and children, that have not the meanes that a Civil-
ized Nation hath to purchafe foode and rayment ; which
that Country with a little induflry will yeeld a man in a
very comfortable meafure, without overmuch carking.

I cannot deny but a civilized Nation hath the prehemi-
nence of an uncivilized, by meanes of thofe inftruments that
are found to be common amongft civile people, and the
uncivile want the ufe of, to make themfelves mafters of
thofe ornaments that make fuch a glorious fliew, that will
give a man occafion to cry, Jic tranjit gloria Mundi.

Now fince it is but foode and rayment that men that live
needeth, (though not all alike,) why fhould not the Natives

world, I think, till we bellowed it on lin comments on the failure of the In-

them." Ma^nalia, B. in. part iii. In dians to make any ufe of fait, even in

his Letters and Notes on the North localities where it abounds. SzQf?tpra,

American Indians (Letter No. 17) Cat- 161.

New Knglifli Canaan. 177

of New England be fayd to live richly, having no want of
either? Cloaths are the badge of fmne ; and the more vari-
ety of fafhions is but the greater abufe of the Creature : the
beafts of the forreft there doe ferve to furnifh them at any
time when they pleafe : fifh and flefh they have in greate
abundance, which they both roaft and boyle.

* They are indeed not ferved in dimes of plate with * 57
variety of Sauces to procure appetite ; that needs not
there. The rarity of the aire, begot by the medicinable
quality of the fweete herbes of the Country, alwayes pro-
cures srood flomakes to the inhabitants.

I mufl needs commend them in this particular, that,
though they buy many commodities of our Nation, yet they
keepe but fewe, and thofe of fpeciall ufe.

They love not to bee cumbered with many utenfilles, and
although every proprietor knowes his owne, yet all things,
(fo long as they will laft), are ufed in common amongft
them : A bifket cake given to one, that one breakes it
equally into fo many parts as there be perfons in his com-
pany, and diftributes it. Platoes Commonwealth is fo much
practifed by thefe people.

According to humane reafon, guided onely by the light
of nature, thefe people leades the more happy and freer They leade a
life, being voyde of care, which torments the mindes of fo hUg v/yd of
many Chriftians : They are not delighted in baubles, but care'
in ufefull things.

Their naturall drinke is of the Criftall fountaine, and
this they take up in their hands, by joyning them clofe to-
gether. They take up a great quantity at a time, and drinke
at the wrifts. It was the fight of fuch a feate which made

Diogenes

178

New Englifh Canaan.

They make
ufe of ordi'
nary things,
one of an-
others as
common.

Diogenes hurle away his difhe, and, like one that would
have this principall confirmed, Natura paucis contentat, ufed

a dim no more.
* 58 * I have obferved that they will not be troubled with

fuperfluous commodities. Such things as they finde
they are taught by neceffity to make ufe of, they will make
choife of, and feeke to purchafe with induftry. So that, in
refpecl: that their life is fo voyd of care, and they are fo
loving alfo that they make ufe of thofe things they enjoy,
(the wife onely excepted,) as common goods, and are therein
fo compaffionate that, rather than one mould ftarve through
want, they would ftarve all. Thus doe they paffe awaye the
time merrily, not regarding our pompe, (which they fee dayly
before their faces,) but are better content with their owne,
which fome men efteeme fo meanely of.

They may be rather accompted to live richly, wanting

nothing that is needefull ; and to be commended for leading

a contented life, the younger being ruled by the Elder, and

the Elder ruled by the Povvahs, and the Powahs are ruled by

the Devill ; * and then you may imagin what good

rule is like to be amongft

them.

FINIS.

1 The relations fuppofed to exift be-
tween the Indians and the devil have
been referred to in a previous note,
fupra, 150. It is, however, a fome-
what curious faff that the aboriginal
hierarchy, fuggefted in the text, had a
few years before found its exact politi-
cal counterpart in the talk of the Eng-

lifh people. " ' Who governs the land ? '
it was afked. ' Why, the King.' ' And
who governs the King ? ' ' Why, the

King ? '
Duke of Buckingham.'

' And who gov-
Why, the Devil.' "

erns the Duke ? '

(Ewald's Stories from the State Papers,

vol. ii. p. 1 17.)

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,* 59

NEW CANAAN.

The fecond Booke.

Containing a defcription of the bewty of the Coun-
try with her naturall indowements, both in
the Land and Sea; with the great Lake of
Erocoife.

Chap. I.

The generall Survey of the Country.

N the Moneth of Iune, Anno Salutis 1622,
it was my chaunce to arrive in the parts of New
England with 30. Servants, and provifion of all
forts fit for a plantation : and whiles our howfes
were building, I did indeavour to take a furvey of the
* Country : The more I looked, the more I liked it.
And when I had more ferioufly confidered of the bewty

A famous
Country.

180 New Englifli Canaan.

of the place, with all her faire indowments, I did not thinke

that in all the knowne world it could be paralel'd, for fo

many goodly groues of trees, dainty fine round riling hil-

Thdr faun- lucks, delicate faire large plaines, fweete criftall fountaines,

dean a7 * and cleare running ftreames that twine in fine meanders

Cri/iaii. through the meads, making fo fweete a murmering noife to

heare as would even lull the fences with delight a fleepe, fo

pleafantly doe they glide upon the pebble ftones, jetting

moft jocundly where they doe meete and hand in hand

runne dovvne to Neptunes Court, to pay the yearely tribute

which they owe to him as foveraigne Lord of all the fprings.

Greate jiore Contained within the volume of the Land, [are] Fowles in

andturtu- abundance, Fifh in multitude; and [I] difcovered, befides,

doves. Millions of Turtledoves one the greene boughes, which fate

pecking of the full ripe pleafant grapes that were fupported

by the lufty trees, whofe fruitfull loade did caufe the armes to

bend : [among] which here and there difperfed, you might

fee Lillies and of the Daphnean-tree : which made the Land

tomee feeme paradice : for in mine eie t'was Natures Mafter-

peece; Her cheifeft Magazine of all where lives her ftore : if

this Land be not rich, then is the whole world poore.

What I had refolved on, I have really performed ; and
I have endeavoured to ufe this abftracl: as an inftrument, to
bee the meanes to communicate the knowledge which I
have gathered, by my many yeares refidence in thofe
* 6 1 parts, unto my Countrymen : # to the end that they
may the better perceive their error, who cannot imag-
ine that there is any Country in the univerfall world which
may be compared unto our native foyle. I will now dif-
cover unto them a Country whofe indowments are by learned

men

New Rnglifh Canaan. 181

men allowed to (land in a paralell with the Ifraelites Canaan,
which none will deny to be a land farre more excellent then
Old England, in her proper nature.

This I confider I am bound in duety (as becommeth a
Chriftian man) to performe for the glory of God, in the firft
place ; next, (according to Cicero,) to acknowledge that, Non
nobis folum nati fitmus.fed partim patria, partim parentes,
partim amici vindicant}

For which caufe I muft approove of the indeavoures of my
Country men, that have bin ftudious to inlarge the territories
of his Majefties empire by planting Colonies in America.

And of all other, I muft applaude the judgement of thofe
that have made choife of this part, (whereof I now treat,)
being of all other moft abfolute, as I will make it appeare
hereafter by way of paralell. Among thofe that have fetled
themfelvs in new England, fome have gone for their con-
fcience fake, (as they profeffe,) and I wifh that they may plant
the Gofpel of Iefus Chrift, as becommeth them, fincerely
and without fatifme or faction, whatfoever their former or
prefent praclifes are, which I intend not to juftifie : howfo-
ever, they have deferved (in mine opinion) fome commenda-
tiones, in that they have furnifhed the Country fo commodi-
oufly in fo fhort a time ; although it hath bin but for their
owne profit, yet pofterity will tafte the fweetnes of it, and
that very fodainly.

* And fmce my tafke, in this part of mine abftracl;, is * 62

1 " Sed quoniam, (ut praeclare fcrip- parentes " are not in the original, but

turn eft a Platone) non nobis folum have been inferted by modern fcholars

nati fumus, ortufque noftri partem pa- as rendering; the quotation from Plato

tria, vindicat, partem amici." De Offi- more correct.
cits, Lib. 1. § 7. The words " partem

182

New Englifh Canaan.

to intreat of the naturall indowments of the Country, I
will make a breife demonstration of them in order, fever-
ally, according to their feverall qualities : and fliew you what
they are, and what profitable ufe may be made of them by
induftry.

Chap. II.

What trees are there and how commodious}

i. oake. /^\Akes are there of two forts, white and redd;2 excellent
V-/ tymber for the building both of howfes and fhipping:
and they are found to be a tymber that is more tough then
the oak of England. They are excellent for pipe-ftaves, and
fuch like veffels; and pipe-ftaves at the Canary Hands are a
prime commodity. I have knowne them there at 35. p. the
iooo,3 and will purchafe a fraight of wines there before any

commodity

1 In annotating this chapter I have
been indebted to Profeffors Afa Gray
and C. S. Sargent of Harvard Univer-
fity for affiftance, they having fent me
feveral of the more technical notes. This
and the five following chapters of the
New Canaan have a certain intereft as
being among the earlieft memoranda on
the trees, animals, birds, fifh and geol-
ogy of Maffachufetts. The only earlier
publication of at all a fimilar character is
Wood's New England 's Pro/peel, which
appeared in 1634, and contained the re-
fult of obfervations made during the four
years 1629 to 1633. Morton's acquaint-
ance with the country was earlier and
longer than Wood's, but the New Ca-
naan was not publi fhed until three years
after the Profpecl, which it followed
clofely in its defcription of the country
and its products. Joffelyn's firft voyage

was made in 1638, and his ftay in New
England covered a period of fifteen
months, July. 1638,10 October, 1639. His
fecond vifit was in 1663, and Lifted until
1 67 1 . The New England's Rarities was
publiflied in 1672, and the Two Voyages
in 1674. Joffelyn's alone of thefe works
can make any pretence to a fcientific
character or nomenclature, but the four
taken together conftitute the whole body
of early New England natural hiftory
and geology. Only occafional reference
to this clafs of fubjects is found in other
writers.

2 The White Oake includes, no doubt,
Ouercus alba and bicolor, and the Redd
Oake, Quercus rubra, tincloria and coc-
cinea.

3 Edward Williams, in his Virginia
(in. Force's Trails, No. 11. p. 14), writ-
ten in 1650, fays: " Nor are Pipeftaves

and

New Rnglijli Canaan. 183

commodity in England, their onely wood being pine, of
which they are enforced alio to build fhippinge ; of oackes
there is great abundance in the parts of New England, and
they may have a prime place in the Catalogue of com-
modities.

Aflie 1 there is ftore, and very good for ftaves, oares or 2. A/he.
pikes ; and may have a place in the fame Catalogue.

Elme : of this fort of trees there are fome ; but there hath 3- Elme.
not as yet bin found any quantity to fpeake of.

* Beech there is of two forts, redd and white ; 2 very * 63 4- Beech.
excellent for trenchers or chaires, and alfo for oares ;
and may be accompted for a commodity.

Wallnutt : of this forte of wood there is infinite ftore, and 5. Walnutt.
there are 4 forts : 3 it is an excellent wood, for many ufes
approoved ; the younger trees are imployed for hoopes, and
are the beft for that imployement of all other ftuffe what-
foever. The Nutts ferve when they fall to feede our fvvine,
which make them the delicateft bacon of all other foode :
and is therein a cheife commodity.

Cheftnutt : of this forte there is very greate plenty, the 6. chejinuts.
tymber whereof is excellent for building; and is a very

good

and Clapboard a defpicable commodity, 2 It is interefting to note that, at this

of which one man may with eafe make early day. two forms of our one fpecies

fifteen thoufand yearely, which in the of Beech were diftinguifhed by the color

countrey itfelfe are fold for 4 1. in the Ca- of the wood, a distinction which has often

naries for twenty pound the thoufand, been adopted by Botanifts and is ftill

and by this means the labour of one confidered by mechanics and woodf-

man will yeeld him 60 1. per annum, at men.

the loweft Market." 3 This refers, no doubt, to our differ-

1 Probably Fraxinus Americana, al- ent fpecies of Hickory, although the

though two other fpecies of Afli are Butternut (/Juglans cinerea) is common

common in Maffachufetts, the Red and in MaiTachufetts.
the Black Afh (F. pubefcens axid/ambu-
cifolia).

184 New Englifli Canaan.

good commodity, efpecially in refpecl; of the fruit, both for
man and beaft.

7. tHne. Pine : of this forte there is infinite ftore in fome parts of

the Country.1 I have travelled 10. miles together where is
little or no other wood growing.2 And of thefe may be made
rofin, pitch and tarre, which are fuch ufefull commodities
that if wee had them not from other Countries in Amity with
England, our Navigation would decline. Then how great
the commodity of it will be to our Nation, to have it of our
owne, let any man judge.

s. Cedar. Cedar : 3 of this forte there is abundaunce ; and this wood

was fuch as Salomon ufed for the building of that glorious

Temple at Hierufalem ; and there are of thefe Cedars, firre

trees and other materialls neceffary for the building of many

faire Temples,4 if there were any Salomons to be at the Colt

of them : and if any man be defirous to finde out in

* 64 what part of the * Country the beft Cedars are, he

muft get into the bottom grounds, and in vallies that

are wet at the fpring of the yeare, where the moifture pre-

ferves them from the fire in fpring time, and not in a woodden

profpect.5 This wood cutts red, and is good for bedfteads,

tables and chefts ; and may be placed in the Catalogue of

Commodities. ~

Cypres :

1 Both the White and the Pitch Pine 4 This is clearly a contemptuous ref-
(Pinusftrobus, and rigidd) are probably erence to Wood, who in his Profpe^l (p.
referred to. 15) had faid, "The Cedar tree is a

2 " For I have feene of thefe ftately tree of no great growth, not bearing
high growne trees, ten miles together above a foote and a halfe fquare at the
clofe by the River fide, from whence by mod, neither is it very high. I fuppofe
fhipping they might be conveyed to any they be much inferiour to the Cedars of
defired Port." (Wood's New England's Lebenon, fo much commended in holy
Proffiefl, p. 15.) writ."

8 The Red Cedar {jfuniperus virgi- 6 Supra, 173.
nid) .

New Englifli Canaan. 185

Cypres : * of this there is great plenty ; and vulgarly this 9- Cypres.
tree hath bin taken for another fort of Cedar ; but workemen
put a difference betweene this Cypres, and the Cedar, efpe-
cially in the colour ; for this is white and that redd white :
and likewife in the finenes of the leafe and the fmoothnes
of the barque. This wood is alio fweeter then Cedar, and,
(as it is in Garrets 2 herball,) a more bewtif ull tree ; it is of all
other, to my minde, molt bewtifull, and cannot be denied to
paffe for a commodity.

Spruce 3 : of thefe there are infinite flore, efpecially in the 10. spruce.
Northerne parts of the Country ; and they have bin ap-
prooved by workemen in England to be more tough then
thofe that they have out of the eafl country : from whence
wee have them for mafts and yards of fhippes.

The Spruce of this country are found to be 3. and 4. The spruce
fadum about: and are reputed able, fingle, to make mafts %y^efa!md
for the biggeft fhip that fayles on the maine Ocean, without fJiu% *" 4
peeling ; which is more than the Eafl country can afford.4 aboute-
And feeing that Navigation is the very finneus of a flourifh-
ing Commonwealth, it is fitting to allow the Spruce tree a

principall place in the Catalogue of commodities.

Alder:

1 The White Cedar (Chamaecyparis Yards : It is generally conceived by
thyoides) ; or perhaps Arbor -Vitae thofe that have fkill in Building of Ships,
{Thuja occidentalis), which is the that here is abfolutely the beft Trees in
" more bewtifull tree." the World, many of them being three

2 A mifprint for Gerard, whofe Herb- Fathom about, and of great length."
all, or Gencrall Hijlorie of Plants, was (JofTelyn, Rarities, p. 63.) " At Pafcat-
publifhed in 1597, and Johnfon's edition away there is now a Spruce-tree brought
of it in 1633. down to the water-fide by our Mafl-men

3 This probably includes both the of an incredible bignefs, and fo long that
Black Spruce {Picea nigra) and the no Skipper durft ever yet adventure to
Hemlock (Truga canadenfis). fhip it, but there it lyes and Rots."

4 " Spruce is a goodly Tree, of which {Two Voyages, p. 67.)
they make Mafts for Ships, and Sail

1 86

New Englifh Canaan.

ii. Alder.

12. Birch.

13. Maple.

14. Eldeme.

15. Haw-
thorne.

16. Vines.

Birch

65 * Alder : of this forte there is plenty by rivers fides,
good for turners.

of this there is plenty in divers parts of the Coun-
try. Of the barck of thefe the Salvages of the Northerne
parts make them delicate Canowes, fo light that two men
will tranfport one of them over Land whither1 they lift; and
yet one of them will tranfporte tenne or twelffe Salvages by
water at a time.

Mayple : 2 of thofe trees there is greate abundance ; and
thefe are very excellent for bowles. The Indians ufe of it
to that purpofe ; and is to be accompted a good com-
modity.

Elderne:3 there is plenty in that Country; of this the
Salvages make their Arrowes, and it hath no ftrong unfavery
fent like our Eldern in England.

Hawthorne : of this there is two forts, one of which beares
a well tafting berry as bigg as ones thumbe, and lookes like
little Queene apples.

Vines : of this kinde of trees there are that beare grapes
of three colours : that is to fay, white, black and red.4

The Country is fo apt for vines, that, but for the fire at
the fpring of the yeare, the vines would fo over fpreade the
land that one fhould not be able to paffe for them ; 5 the fruit
is as bigg, of fome, as a mufket bullet, and is excellent in

tai*e# Plumtrees :

1 [whether.] See/upra, ill, note 1.

2 Probably the Sugar, Red and White
Maples are intended : Acer facchari-
num, rubriun and dafycarpum. It is
lingular that no reference to the manu-
facture of maple fugar by the Indians
occurs.

3 (Elder) Sambucus Canadenfis.

* Wood {Pro/peel, p. 15) fays, "Two
forts, Red and White." None of our
native Grape vines bear White grapes.

5 Supra, 173.

New Engli/Ji Canaan. 187

Plumtrees : * of this kinde there are many ; fome that beare 17- Piummes.
fruit as bigg as our ordinary bullis : others there be that doe
beare fruite much bigger than peare piummes ; their colour
redd, and their ftones flat ; very delitious in tafle.

* Cheritrees there are abundance ; but the fruit is as * 66 18. cherries.
fmall as our floes ; but if any of them were replanted
and grafted, in an orchard, they would foone be raifed by
meanes of fuch ; and the like fruits.

There is greate abundance of Mufke Rofes in divers places : 19. Ro/es.
the water diftilled excelleth our Rofewater of England.

There is abundance of Saffafras 2 and Sarfaperilla,3 grow- 20. sajfafras
ing in divers places of the land ; whofe budds at the fpring 2I. sar/a-
doe perfume the aire. pern a.

Other trees there are not greatly materiall to be recited
in this abftracT:, as goofe berries, rafberies, and other beries.

There is Hempe4 that naturally groweth, finer then our
Hempe of England.

Chapter III.

1 Perhaps our little Beach plum {P. Thomas Wiggin, alfo, in writing of
maritima) is intended. The wild Amer- New England in November, 1632, fays :
ican Plum-tree is probably not a native "As good hempe and fflax as in any
of Maffachufetts, although it was early parte of the world, growes there natu-
cultivated by the aborigines and fettlers. rally." (in. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. viii.

2 {Saffafras officinale?) p. 322.) Hemp, however, is not native

3 The Ginfeng (A ralia quinquefolia*), to New England or America. That
or the Wild Sarfaparilla (Aralia nudi- fpoken of mull have been grown from
caulis). feed brought over by the colonifts.

4 In Chapter IX. of this Book {infra, Morton may have feen it growing in
*94) Morton again refers to the growth garden foil at Plymouth and Weffaguf-
of hemp in New England, as evidence fet, but that any field of it ever reached
of the fertility of the foil. He declares a height of ten or ten and a half feet
" that it fhewteth up to be tenne foote in eaftern Maffachufetts is very quef-
high and tenne foote and a halfe." tionable.

1 88

New Engli/h Canaan.

Potmario-

ram, Tyme,

Alexander,

Angel I ic a,

Purjland,

Violets,

and Annifeeds.

HunnifuckUs

and Balme.

Chap. III.

Potthearbcs and other hcrbes for Sallets.

THe Country there naturally affordeth very good pot-
herbes and fallet herbes, and thofe of a more mafkuline
vertue then any of the fame fpecies in England ; as Potmar-
ioram, Tyme, Alexander, Angellica, Purfland, Violets, and
Annifeeds, in very great abundance : and for the pott I
gathered in fummer, dried and crumbled into a bagg to

preferve for winter ftore.
* 6y * Hunnifuckles, balme, and divers other good herbes

are there, that grow without the induftry of man, that
are ufed when occafion ferveth very commodiouily.1

Chapter IV.

1 Profeffor Gray of Harvard Univer-
fity has furnifhed me the following note
on this chapter : —

" Unlike Joffelyn, the author evidently
was not an herbalift, and wrote at ran-
dom. His pot-marjoram, thyme and
balm, though not to be fpecifically iden-
tified, and none of them of the fame
fpecies as in England, muft be repre-
fented by our American pennyroyal
(Hedeoma pulegioides), a native mint
(Mentha borealis), wild bafil {Pyaian-
thanuni), and a fpecies of Mo7iarda,
fometimes called balm, all fweet herbs
of the New England coaft. Alexander
is hardly to be gueffed. Angelica as a
genus occurs here, but not the officinal
fpecies. Wild farfaparilla (Aralia nn-
dicaiilis) was probably in view. Purf-
lane is interefting in this connection,
adding as it does to the probability that
this plant was in the country before the

fettlement. There are no Annifeeds in
New England, and it is impoffible to
guefs what the author meant. It was
probably a random ftatement founded
on nothing in particular. The Honey-
fuckles were doubtlefs the two fpecies
of Azalea to which the name is ftill
applied." Wood alfo fays {Profpecl, pp.
ii, 12), "There is likewife growing all
manner of Hearbes for meate and medi-
cine, and not only in planted Gardens,
but in the woods, without either the art or
helpe of man, as fweete Marjoram, Purfe-
lane, Sorrell, Peneriall, Yarrow, Myrtle,
Saxifarilla, Bayes, &c." See alfo Mr.
Tuckerman's introductory matter and
notes, in his edition of New England's
Rarities [1865], and ProfefTor Gray's
chapter (vol. i. ch. ii.) on the Flora of
Bofton and vicinity, and the changes it
has undergone, in the Memorial Hijlory
of Bo/ion.

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 189

Chap. IV.

Of Birds, and f ether ed fowles}
Ow that I have breifly fhewed the Commodity of the

trees, herbes, and fruits, I will mew you a defcrip-
tion of the fowles of the aire ; as moft proper in ordinary
courfe.

And firft of the Swanne,2 becaufe fhee is the biggeft of all Swannes.
the fowles of that Country. There are of them in Merri-
mack River, and in other parts of the country, greate ftore
at the feafons of the yeare.

The nefh is not much defired of the inhabitants, but the
fkinnes may be accompted a commodity fitt for divers ufes,
both for fethers and quiles.

There are Geefe of three forts, vize : brant Geefe3 which Geefe, pide,
are pide, and white Geefe 4 which are bigger, and gray Geefe 5 Jr"/.' l
which are as bigg and bigger then the tame Geefe of Eng-
land,

1 For the greater part of the notes to likewife many Swannes which frequent
this chapter, and for all thofe of a tech- the frefh ponds and rivers, feldome con-,
nical character, I am indebted to Mr. forting themfelves with Duckes and
William Brewfter, of Cambridge. To Geefe ; thefe be very good meate, the
his notes I have added a few references price of one is fix millings." In his
to, and extracts from, other early works enumeration of birds of New England,
more or lefs contemporaneous with the Joffelyn {Two Voyages, p. ioo) men-
New Canaan. tions " Hookers or wild-.Swtftt.s-." This

2 Probably the Whiftling Swan {Cyg- bird is not included in Peabody's Report
nus Americanus), now a rare vifitor to on the Ornithol. of Majfachnfetts (1839).
New England. Wood, alfo, in his poet- 3 The Brant (Bernicla brenta), com-
ical enumeration of birds and fowls mon at the prefent day.

{Pro/peel, p. 23), fpeaks of 4 The Snow Goofe {Anfer hyperbore-

« The Silver Swan that tunes her mournf ull «*). now r,are in, New £ nf \*n£> although

breath common throughout the Welt.

To fing the di'rge of her approaching death." 5 The Canada Goofe {Bernicla Cana-

Further on (p. 26) he fays, " There be denfls)-

190 New Englifli Canaan.

land, with black legges, black bills, heads and necks black ;

the flefli farre more excellent then the Geefe of England,

wild or tame ; yet the purity of the aire is fuch that the

biggeft is accompted but an indifferent meale for a couple

of men. There is of them great abundance. I have had

often 1000. before the mouth of my gunne. I never

* 68 faw any in * England, for my part, fo fatt as I have

killed there in thofe parts ; the fethers of them makes

a bedd fofter then any down bed that I have lyen on, and is

Fethers pay there a very good commodity ; the fethers of the Geefe, that

an//kott.er I nave killed in a fhort time, have paid for all the powther

and fhott I have fpent in a yeare, and I have fed my doggs

with as fatt Geefe there as I have euer fed upon my felfe

in England.

Ducks pide, Ducks there are of three kindes, pide Ducks, gray Ducks,

gray, & c . anj black Ducks in greate abundance : the moft about my

habitation were black Ducks:1 and it was a noted Cuftome

at my hovvfe, to have every mans Duck upon a trencher;

and then you will thinke a man was not hardly ufed : they

are bigger boddied then the tame Ducks of England : very

fatt and dainty flefli.

The common doggs fees were the gibletts, unleffe they
were boyled now and than for to make broath.
Teaies, greene Teales there are of two forts, greene winged, and blew
winged : 2 but a dainty bird. I have bin much delighted with

1 The Black Duck {Anas ob/cura), wholly extin£t ; the Gray Duck is prob-

flill abundant. The identity of the other ably the Pintail {Dafila acuta).

two is doubtful ; the Pide Duck may 2 The Green-winged Teal {Qtterqtie-

have been the Pied or Labrador Duck dula Carolinenfcs) and the Blue-winged

(Camptola-tuus Labradorius), a fpecies Teal (Querqneditla difcors), both noted

formerly common but now nearly if not for the delicacy of their flefh.

and blew.

New Englifk Canaan. 191

a roft of thefe for a fecond courfe. I had plenty in the
rivers and ponds about my howfe.

Wido-gens l there are, and abundance of other water foule, widggcns.
fome fuch as I have feene, and [fome] fuch as I have not
feene elfe where before I came into thofe parts, which are
little regarded.

Simpes2 there are like our Simpes in all refpecls, with Simpes.
very litle difference. I have mot at them onely to fee what
difference I could flnde betweene them and thofe of my
native Country, and more I did not regard them.

*Sanderlings3 are a dainty bird, more full boddied * 69 Sanderiings.
than a Snipe ; and I was much delighted to feede on
them becaufe they were fatt and eafie to come by, becaufe
I went but a ftepp or to for them : and I have killed be-
tweene foure and five dozen at a moot, which would loade
me home. Their

1 Probably the American Widgeon, or in which the bird in queftion is alluded
Baldpate (Mareca Americana). The to, it would be inferred that Simpes was
name Widgeon is fometimes applied a natural mifprint for Snipes. That,
to other fpecies, however. however, is clearly not the cafe.

2 Probably fome fpecies of web-footed 3 The Sanderling (Calidris arenaria),
bird, but exactly what is not clear. Mr. a common Sandpiper, peculiar in lacking
Merriam, in his Review of the Birds of the ufual hind toe. The context indi-
Conneclicut (pp. 104-5), identifies Mor- cates that other fhore birds were included
ton's Simpe as the American Wood- under this name. " There are little Birds
cock (Philohela minor), but in this he that frequent the Sea-fhore in flocks
is doubtlefs in error. In the firft place, called Sander/ins, they are about the
it is not likely that a keen fportfman bignefs of a Sparrow, and in the fall of
like Morton would have fhot woodcock the leaf will be all fat ; when I was firft
merely out of curiofity, and "more did in the Countrie the Englijli cut them
not regard them;" in the fecond place, into fmall pieces to put into their Pud-
JolTelyn, in enumerating the different dings inftead of fuet. I have known
forts of ducks, fpeaks of " Widgeons, twelve fcore and above kill'd at two
Simps, Teal, Blew wing'd and green fhots." (JofTelyn's Two Voyages, p. 102.)
wing'd." {Two Voyages, p. 101.) But To precifely the fame effect Wood fays
for the reference in the next paragraph {Profpecl, p. 27), " I myfelfe have killed
in the text, and the difparaging manner twelve fcore at two fhootes."

192 New Englifh Canaan.

Their foode is at ebbing water on the fands, of fmall feeds
that grows on weeds there, and are very good paftime in
Auguft.
Cranes. Cranes * there are greate ftore, that ever more came there

at S. Davids day, and not before : that day they never would
miffe.

Thefe fometimes eate our corne, and doe pay for their pre-
emption well enough ; and ferveth there in powther, with
turnips, to fupply the place of powthered beefe, and is a
goodly bird in a dime, and no difcommodity.
Turkies. Turkies 2 there are, which divers times in great flocks have

fallied by our doores ; and then a gunne, being commonly
in a redineffe, falutes them with fuch a courtefie, as makes
them take a turne in the Cooke roome. They daunce by
the doore fo well.

Of thefe there hath bin killed that have weighed forty
eight pound a peece.3 ~>,

1 Neither the Whooping Crane (Grus yoke range, where fome are taken every
Americana) nor the Sandhill Crane (Grus year." Its total extinction probably
pratcnfis) is now found in New Eng- occurred only a few years later.

land. The latter is probably the fpecies 3 Probably an exaggeration, although

referred to here. Our large Heron Audubon mentions one that weighed

(Ardea herodias) is often called Crane thirty-fix pounds ; the ordinary weight

by country people, but it does not eat of the full-grown male is from fifteen to

corn, and " in a difhe " would hardly be twenty pounds, a gobbler weighing twen-

confidered "a goodly bird." ty-five pounds being an unufually large

2 The Wild Turkey {Meleagris galli- bird. Yet Morton's ftatement is fully
pavo Americana) is mentioned by all the borne out by other contemporary author-
early writers as an abundant bird; but ities. Wood fays, " The Turky is a very
it difappeared almoft as rapidly as the large bird, of a blacke colour, yet white
Indians, before the encroachment of the in flefh ; much bigger then our Englifh
white fettiers. Peabody, writing in 1839 Turky. He hath the ufe of his long legs
{Report on the FiJ/ies, Reptiles, and fo ready, that he can runne as faft as a
Birds of Majfachufetts, p. 352), fays : Dogge, and flye as well as a Goofe : of
"It is ftill found occafionally in our thefe fometimes there will be forty, three-
wellern mountains, and alfo on the Hoi- fcore and an hundred of a flocke, fome-
times

New Rngli/Ii Canaan.

193

They are by mainy degrees fweeter then the tame Tur-
kies of England, feede them how you can.

I had a Salvage who hath taken out his boy in a morning,
and they have brought home their loades about noone.

* I have afked them what number they found in the * 70
woods, who have anfwered Neent Metawna,1 which is
a thofand that day ; the plenty of them is fuch in thofe parts.
They are eafily killed at roofte, becauie, the one being killed,
the other fit fall nevertheleffe ; and this is no bad com-
modity.

There are a kinde of fowles which are commonly called Pjieifants,

Pheifants,

times more and fometimes leffe ; their
feeding is Acorns, Hawes, and Berries,
fome of them get a haunt to frequent our
EngliJJi corne : In Winter when the
Snow covers the ground, they refort to
the Sea-fhore to looke for Shrimps, and
fuch fmall fiflies at low tides. Such as
love Turkie hunting muft follow it in
Winter after a new falne Snow, when he
may follow them by their tracts ; fome
have killed ten or a dozen in halfe a
day ; if they can be found towards an
evening, and watched where they peirch,
if one came about ten or eleaven of the
clocke, he may fhoote as often as he
will, they will fit, unleffe they be flen-
derly wounded. Thefe Turkies remain
all the yeare long. The price of a good
Turkie cocke is foure millings : and he
is well worth it, for he may be in weight
forty pound ; a Hen two fhillings."
(New England's Profpcci, p. 24.) So
alfo Joffelyn : " I have heard feveral cred-
ible perfons affirm, they have feen Tur-
kie Cocks that have weighed forty, yea
fixty pounds ; but out of my perfonal
experimental knowledge I can allure
you, that I have eaten my fhare of a
Turkie Cock, that when he was pull'd

and garbidg'd, weighed thirty pound."
He adds, however, that even then [1670]
" the EngliJJi and the Indians having
now deftroyed the breed, fo that 'tis very
rare to meet with a wild Turkie in the
Woods." (New Englands Rarities,
p. 9.) See alfo Two Voyages, p. 99,
where the fame writer fays : " If you
would preferve the young Chickens alive,
you muft give them no water, for if they
come to have their fill of water, they
will drop away ftrangely, and you will
never be able to rear any of them.1' John
Clayton, in his Letter to the Royal So-
ciety [1688], fays of Virginia: "There
be wild Turkies extream large ; they
talk of Turkies that have been kill'd,
that have weigh'd betwixt 50 and 60
Pound weight ; the largeft that ever I
faw, weigh'd fomething better than 38
Pound." (in. Force's Trails, No. 12,
p. 30.) Williams, in his Virginia\_\6$o\
fpeaks of " infinites of wilde Turkeyes,
which have been knowne to weigh fifty
pound weight, ordinarily forty." (in.
Force's Trails, No. 1 1, p. 12.) See alfo
Strachey's Hijloric, p. 125 ; Young's
CJiron. of Mafs., p. 253.
1 In regard to this expreffion Mr.

Trumbull,

194 New Englifh Canaan.

Partridges
bigger in bo-
dy as thofe of
England.

Q/iailes big-
ger in body
as thofe in
England.

Pheifants,1 but whether they be pheyfants or no, I will not
take upon mee to determine. They are in forme like our
pheifant henne of England. Both the male and the female
are alike ; but they are rough footed, and have ftareing feth-
ers about the head and neck ; the body is as bigg as the
pheyfant henne of England ; and are excellent white flefli,
and delicate white meate, yet we feldome beftowe a fhoote at
them.

Partridges2 there are, much like our Partridges of Eng-
land ; they are of the fame plumes, but bigger in body.
They have not the figne of the horfemoe on the breft, as the
Partridges of England ; nor are they coloured about the
heads as thofe are. They fit on the trees, for I have feene
40. in one tree at a time : yet at night they fall on the
ground, and fit untill morning fo together ; and are dainty
flefh.

There are quailes3 alfo, but bigger then the quailes in
England. They take trees alfo : for I have numbered 60.

upon

Trumbull writes : " Metawna is mit-
tannug (R. Williams), muttannunk
(Eliot), — Englifhed by 'a thoufand ; '
but to the Indians lefs definite, ' a great
many,' more than he could count.
Neetit is poffibly a mifprint for necut
(neqitt, Eliot), ' one,' — but, more likely,
ftands for ' I have,' or its equivalent,
'there is to me.' Roger Williams
(p. 164) puts the numeral firft, nnees-
nne&nna, ' I have killed two,' — JJiwin-
ne&nna, [' I have killed] three,' " &c.

1 The Pheafant of Morton and other
early writers has been fuppofed by or-
nithologifts to be the Prairie Hen or
Pinnated Groufe {Cupidonia atpido), a
fpecies which, however, has dark not
" white flefh," — " formerly . . . fo com-

mon on the ancient bulky fite of the city
of Bofton, that laboring people or fer-
vants ftipulated with their employers,
not to have the Heath- Hen brought to
table oftener then a few times in the
week." (Nuttall's Ornithology, vol. i.
p. 800.) There is good evidence that
this bird once ranged over a large part
of Southern New England ; it is Itill
found on Martha's Vineyard, where it
is carefully protected and is not uncom-
mon. Elfewhere it does not now occur
much to the eaftward of Illinois.

2 The Ruffed Groufe (Bouafa tim-
belld).

8 The American Partridge, Quail, or
Bob White (Ortyx Virginiand).

New Englifh Canaan. 195

upon a tree at a time. The cocks doe call at the time of the
yeare, but with a different note from the cock quailes of

England.

The Larkes1 there are like our Larkes of England in all The Larkes
refpects : fauing that they do not ufe to fing at all.

* There are Ovvles of divers kindes: but I did * 71 Owies.
never heare any of them whop as ours doe.

There are Crowes,2 kights and rooks that doe differ in The Crowes
fome refpe&s from thofe of England. The Crowes, which I f™Mufk?m
have much admired what mould be the caufe, both fmell ^oTInwinfer.
and tafte of Mufke in fummer, but not in winter.

There are Havvkes in New England of 5. forts;3 and thefe iiawkcsof
of all other fether fowles I mult not omitt to fpeake of, nor
neede I to make any Apology for my felfe concerning any
trefpaffe that I am like to make upon my judgement, con-
cerning the nature of them, having bin bred in fo genious
a way that I had the common ufe of them in England : and
at my firft arrivall in thofe parts praftifed to take a Lan- a Lannaret.

naret,

1 Of doubtful application. Our Horned bly referring to the Swallow-tailed Kite
Lark (Eremophila alpeftris) is the near- (Nauclerus furca(us), now a rare ftrag-
eft North American ally of the Englifh gler from the South, but formerly, as
Skylark, but it is fo differently colored fome ornithologifts believe, of regular
that Morton probably had in mind fome occurrence in New England.

other fpecies, perhaps the Titlark (Ati- 3 The defcriptions given for thefe

thus ludovicianus). Hawks are too vague to be of much ufe

2 Three fpecies of Crows are found in in determining fpecies. A clew is often
New England : the Raven (Corvus car- furnifhed by familiar terms of falconry,
nivorus), now confined to the northern which, we may affume, would be natu-
parts of Maine, New Hampshire, and rally applied to American reprefenta-
Vermont ; the Common Crow (Corvus tives of Old World forms. Morton,
Aj/iericanus) ; and the Fifh Crow (Cor- however, ufes thefe terms very loofely,
vns ojfifragus), which occafionally wan- or, perhaps, with a regard to fine dif-
ders to MafTachufetts from its true home tinciions of meaning not now under-
in the Middle and Southern States, flood. In fuch a cafe nothing can be
The latter may have been the Rook, done beyond pointing out their accepted
"Kight " is a dubious appellation, poffi- fignificance and probable application.

196 New Englifli Canaan.

naret,1 which I reclaimed, trained and made flying in a fort-
night, the fame being a paffmger at Michuelmas. I found
that thefe are molt excellent Mettell, rank winged, well con-
ditioned, and not tickleifh footed ; and, having whoods, bels,
luers, and all things fitting, was defirous to make experi-
ment of that kinde of Hawke before any other.

And I am perfwaded that Nature hath ordained them to
be of a farre better kinde then any that have bin ufed in
England.2 They have neither dorre3 nor worm to feed upon,
(as in other parts of the world,) the Country affording none ;
the ufe whereof in other parts makes the Lannars there
more buffardly4 then they be in New England.
Fawcom. There are likewife Fawcons5 and taffell gentles,6 ad-

* 72 mirable well fhaped birds ; and they will tower up *
when they purpofe to pray, and, on a fodaine when
they effpie their game, they will make fuch a cancellere
that one would admire to behold them. Some there are
more black then any that have bin ufed in England.

1 The male of Falco lanarius, a Fal- prefented to his Majefty on Saturday-
con found in the fouthern and fouth- next, by the Lords of thofe Provinces,
eaftern parts of Europe, as well as in And the laid Captain to be recommend-
Weftern Afia and the adjoining portions ed to his Majeftys fervice upon occa-
of Africa. An American variety, the fion of employments for his care and
Prairie Falcon {Falco Unarms polya- induftry ufed to bring them oyer, and
grus), has a wide range in the Weft, but for other his fervices done in thofe
is not known to have occurred to the parts."

eaftward of Illinois. The bird referred 8 The Cockchafer,

to by Morton is doubtlefs the Duck 4 /. c, like the Buzzard-Hawks of the

Hawk (Falco peregrinus), an allied fpe- genus Butco, a fluggifh tribe of Raptores.

cies not uncommon in New England. £ Properly of general application to

2 In the records of the Council for the genus Falco; if ufed fpecifically here
New England, under date of the 26th of there is no clew to its precife meaning.
November, 1635, or about the time that 6 Ufually written tercel^ and fome-
Morton was writing the New Canaan, times tiercel or /tercel. The male of
is the following entry : " The Hawks any hawk, fo termed becaufe he is a
brought over by Capt. Smart are to be third fmaller than the female, or, as fome

have

•es

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 197

The Taffell gent, (but of the leaft fize,1) is an ornament
for a perfon of eftimation among the Indians to weare in the
knot of his lock, with the traine upright, the body dried and
ftretched out. They take a great pride in the wearing of
fuch an ornament, and give to one of us, that mail kill them
one for that purpofe, fo much beaver as is worth three
pounds fterling, very willingly.

Thefe doe us but little trefpas, becaufe they pray on fuch
birds as are by the Sea fide, and not on our Chickens. Gof-
hawkes there are, and Taffels.

The Taffels are fhort truffed buffards ;2 but the Gofhawkes3 Gojimwh

are well fhaped, but they are fmall ; fome of white male, we ■'ia^e '

and fome redd male, I have feene one with 8. barres in the

traine. Thefe fall on our bigger poultry: the leffer chicken,

I thinke they fcorne to make their pray of ; for commonly

the Cocke goes to wrack. Of thefe I have feene many;

and if they come to trefpaffe me, I lay the law to them with

the gunne, and take them dammage fefant.

There

have thought, becaufe it was believed reprefented in New England by three

that every third bird hatched was a fpecies, Buteo borealis, B. lineatus and

male. The name, as ufed in falconry, B. Pennfylvanicus.
almoft always refers to the male Gof- 3 If Morton always ufes tajfel in its

hawk (AJiur palumbarius), while with commonly accepted fenfe (fee preced-

the addition of gentil, or gentle, it ing notes), another application muft be

indicated the female or young of this fought for the prefent name. The ac-

fpecies. The bird alluded to here is companying text may relate to the Marfh

probably the American Gofhawk {AJlur Hawk {Circus cyaneus Hudfomus), the

atricapillus). adult male of which is ourwhiteft New

1 The American Sparrow Hawk (Falco England Hawk, and the young or female
fparverius), a fmall and richly colored perhaps the reddeft. The Marfli Hawk
Falcon, would be likely to be ufed for does not prey on full-grown poultry, but
fuch a purpofe. it may have been credited with depre-

2 If not applied to the male Gofhawk dations committed by other fpecies, a
(fee note on "taffel gentles"), perhaps piece of injuftice by no means uncom-
referring to Hawks of the genus Buteo, mon at the prefent day.

198

New EnglifJi Ca7^aa7^.

Marlins
fmall and
grcate.

Sparhazukes.

A Hunning

bird, is as
fmall as a
Jut- lie. His
bill as Jliarp
as a needle
point, and his
f ethers like
/like.

There are very many Marlins \l fome very fmall, and fome
fo large as is the Barbary Taffell.

I have often beheld thefe pretty birds, how they have
fcoured after the black bird, which is a fmall fized Choffe2

that eateth the Indian maifze.
* j 3 Sparhawkes3 there are alfo, the faireft and * beft
fhaped birds that I have ever beheld of that kinde
thofe that are litle, no ufe is made of any of them, neither
are they regarded. I onely tried conclufions with a Lannaret
at firft comming ; and, when I found what was in that bird,
I turned him going : but, for fo much as I have obferved of
thofe birds, they may be a fitt prefent for a prince, and for
goodneffe too be preferred before the Barbary, or any other
ufed in Chriftendome ; and efpecially the Lannars and Lan-
narets.

There is a curious bird to fee to, called a hunning bird,4

1 The Pigeon Hawk (Falco colum-
barius) is the New England reprefen-
tative of the European Merlin {Falco
regulus).

''2 Probably the Crow Blackbird {Quif-
calus purpureas aliens') .

3 The Sharp-fhinned Hawk (Accipiler
fufens), a common New England fpe-
cies clofely allied to the European Spar-
row Hawk (Acclpiler nifus). Our Coop-
er's Hawk {Accipiter coopert) alfo may
be referred to under this name.

4 The Ruby-throated Humming-bird
(Troc/u'lus colubris), our only New Eng-
land fpecies. The Humming-birds are
peculiar to the New World ; hence the
wonder and intereft with which they
were regarded bv the early explorers
and colonifts. There is a letter from
Emanuel Downing to John Winthrop,
Jr., of the 21ft of November, 1632, in

which is this paragraph : " You have a
litle bird in your contrie that makes
a humminge noyfe, a little bigger then a
bee, I pray fend me one of them over,
perfecl in his fethers, in a little box."
(iv. Ma/s. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 40".)
There are many defer iptions of this bird
in the earlier writers, though none that
I have found fo early as Downing's let-
ter. Wood fays: " The Humbird is one
of the wonders of the Countrey, being no
bigger than a Hornet, yet hath all the di-
menfions of a Bird, as bill and wings, with
quils, Spider-like legges, fmall clawes :
For colour, fhee is glorious as the Raine-
bow; as fhee flies, fhee makes a little
humming noife like a humble bee :
wherefore fhe is called the Humbird."
(New England's Pro/pell, p. 24.) Joffe-
lyn's defcription is efpecially good :
" The Humming Bird, the leaft of all

Birds,

New Englifh Canaan. 199

no bigger then a great Beetle ; that out of queftion lives
upon the Bee, which hee eateth and catcheth amongft Flow-
ers : For it is his Cuftome to frequent thofe places. Flow-
ers hee cannot feed upon by reafon of his fharp bill, which
is like the poynt of a Spannifh needle, but fhorte. His
fethers have a gloffe like filke, and, as hee ftirres, they fhew
to be of a chain^able coloure : and has bin, and is, admired
for fhape, coloure and fize.

Chap. V .

Of the Beafls of the forreft}

NOw that I have made a rehearfall of the birds and
fethered Fowles, which participate molt of aire, I will
give you a defcription of the beafts ; and fhew you what
beafls are bred in thofe parts, and what my experience
hath gathered by obfervation of * their kinde and * 74
nature. I begin with the mofl ufefull and moft
beneficiall beaft which is bredd in thofe parts, which is

the Deare. ^,

1 here

Birds, little bigger than a Dor, of vari- * For all the technical and fcientific
able glittering Colours, they feed upon notes to this chapter I am indebted to
Honey, which they fuck out of BloiToms Mr. Joel A. Allen, of the Mufeum of
and Flowers with their long Needle-like Comparative Zoology of Harvard Col-
Bills ; they ileep all Winter, and are not lege. To the matter contributed by
to be feen till the Spring, at which time him I have merely added, as in the im-
they breed in little Nefts, made up like a mediately preceding chapters, extracts
bottom of foft, Silk-like matter, their from other writers, more or lefs contem-
Eggs no bigger than a white Peafe, they poraneous with Morton, which feemed
hatch three or four at a time, and are to me to be illuftrative of the text, or in
proper to this Country." {New Eng- the fame fpirit with it. This chapter of
land' 's Rarities, p. 6.) See alfo Clay- Morton's is more complete, though prob-
ton's Letter, &c. (in. Force's Trails, ably of lefs value, than Wood's and Jof-
No. 12, p. 33). felyn's chapters on the fame fubjecT;.

200

New Englifli Canaan.

Deare of 3.
kindes.

Mofe or red
deare.

Mofe or
deare greater
than a horfe,
the height of
than 18.
hand fulles.

They bringe
forth three
f nines at one
time.

There are in this Country three kindes of Deare, of which
there are greate plenty, and thofe are very ufefull.

Firft, therefore, I will fpeake of the Elke, which the Salv-
ages call a Mofe : 1 it is a very large Deare, with a very faire
head, and a broade palme, like the palme of a fallow Deares
home, but much bigger, and is 6. footewide betweene the
tipps, which grow curbing downwards : Hee is of the big-
neffe of a great horfe.

There have bin of them feene that has bin 18. handfulls
highe : hee hath a bunch of haire under his jawes : hee is
not fwifte, but ftronge and large in body, and longe legged ;
in fomuch that hee doth ufe to kneele, when hee feedeth
on graffe.

Hee bringeth forth three faunes, or younge ones, at a
time ; and, being made tame, would be good for draught,
and more ufefull (by reafon of their ftrength) then the Elke
of Raufhea.2 Thefe are found very frequent in the northerne

parts

1 The Elke here mentioned is the
Moofe (A/ces malchis) of American
writers ; it is fpecifically the fame as the
elk of Northern Europe. From Wood's
account {New England'' s Profpeft,
p. 1 8), it would feem that the moofe in
Morton's time ranged into eaftern Maf-
fachufetts, though not found now fouth
of northern Maine. The moofe has
but a fingle fawn at a birth, not three
as ftated in the text.

Mr. Allen then adds to the above note :
" I have met with no publifhed record
of the occurrence of the American Elk,
or Wapiti Deer (Cervus Canadenfts), in
eaftern Maffachufetts. Since publish-
ing a ftatement to this effect (Afem.
Hifl. Bofion, vol. i. p. 10), however, I
have learned through the kindnefs of a
correfpondent (Henry S. Nourfe, Eiq.,

of South Lancafter, Mafs.,) that early in
the eighteenth century fixteen elk were
feen near a brook in South Lancafter,
one of which was killed. The tradition
is fupported by the fa<5t that the antlers
of the individual killed were preferved
in the family of the lucky hunter (Jonas
Fairbanks) for a long period, and after-
wards placed on the top of a guide-
board, where they ft ill remain, mofl-
grown and weather-worn by eighty years
of fun and ftorm. Since the receipt of
Mr. Nourfe's letter (dated Feb. 25,
1882), his account has been corroborated
by information from another fource.
That the antlers mentioned belonged to
an elk and not to a moofe is beyond
queftion."

2 "The Englifli have fome thoughts
of keeping them tame, and to accuftome

then-

New Englifli Canaan. 201

parts of New England : their flefli is very good foode, and
much better then our redd Deare of England.

Their hids are by the Salvages converted into very good They make
lether, and dreffed as white as milke. the hides of

Of this lether the Salvages make the bell mooes ; and ufe
to barter away the fkinnes to other Salvages that have
none of that kinde of beds in the parts where they
live. Very good buffe may be made of the * hids. I * 75
have feene a hide as large as any horfe hide that can
be found. There is fuch abundance of them that the Salv-
ages, at hunting time, have killed of them fo many, that they
have bellowed fix or feaven at a time upon one Englifli man
whome they have borne affection to.

There is a fecond fort of Deare * (leffe then the redd Deare Themidimg
of England, but much bigger then the Englifli fallow Deare) /<?w2w.'
fwift of foote, but of a more darke coloure ; with fome grifeld
heares, when his coate is full growne in the fummer feafon :
his homes grow curving, with a croked beame, refembling
our redd Deare, not with a palme like the fallow Deare.

Thefe bringe 3. fawnes at a time,2 fpotted like our fallow

Deares

them to the yoake, which will be a great 88, 137). See, alfo, Arew England's

commoditie : Firft, becaufe they are fo Rarities, p. 19.

fruitfull, bringing forth three at a time, 1 The common Virginian Deer [Cari-

being likewife very uberous. Secondly, acus Virginiamis), formerly more or lefs

becaufe they will live in Winter without abundant throughout the eaftern half of

any fodder. There be not many of thefe the United States.

in the M affachufetts Bay, but forty miles 2 The number of fawns produced at a

to the Northeaft there be great ftore of birth is commonly two, fometimes one,

them." {New England's Pro/peel, p. and ftill more rarely three; although

18.) There are very good defcriptions three is ftated to be the ufual number

of the Moofe, and the methods purfued in various feventeenth-century accounts

in hunting them, in Gorges's Brief Re- of the natural productions of New Eng-

lation (11. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. ix. p. land, Virginia, &c.
18) and in Joffelyn's Two Voyages (pp.

202 New Englifli Canaan.

Deares fawnes ; the Salvages fay, foure ; I fpeake of what I

know to be true, for I have killed in February a doe with

three fawnes in her belly, all heared, and ready to fall ; for

thefe Deare fall their fawnes 2. moneths fooner then the

fallow Deare of England. There is fuch abundance of

them that an hundred have bin found at the fpring of the

yeare, within the compaffe of a mile.

Trappes to The Salvages take thefe in trappes made of their naturall

CiDcare. ' Hempe, which they place in the earth where they fell a

tree for browfe ; and when hee rounds the tree for the

browfe, if hee tread on the trapp hee is horfed up by the

legg, by meanes of a pole that ftarts up and catcheth him.1

Their hides the Saluages ufe for cloathing, and will give

for one hide killed in feafon, 2. 3. or 4. beaver fkinnes,

* 76 which will yeild pounds a peece in that Coun*try : fo

much is the Deares hide prifed with them above the

beaver. I have made good merchandize of thefe. The

rlefh

1 Mourt, in his Relation (p. 8), records what cheere what cheere, Englijhmans

how Governor William Bradford, of squaw horfe ; having no better epithete

Plymouth, was caught in one of thefe than to call her a woman horfe, but

traps, and " horfed up by the leg," being loath to kill her, and as fearefull

when the firft party from the Mayflower to approach neere the frifcadoes of her

was exploring Cape Cod in November, Iron heeles, they ported to the EngliJJi

1620. Wood fays : "An Englifli Mare to tell them how the cafe flood or hung

being ftrayed from her owner, and with their fquaw horfe, who unhorfed

growne wild by her long fojourning in their Mare, and brought her to her for-

the woods ranging up and down with mer tameneffe, which fince hath brought

the wild crew, ftumbled into one of thefe many a good foale, and performed much

traps which ftopt her fpeed, hanging good fervice." {New England's Prof-

her like Mahomet's tombe, betwixt earth peel, p. 75.) Williams, in his Key

and heaven; the morning being come (cli. xxvii.), defcribes how the deer

the Indians went to lookc what good fuc- caught in thefe traps were torn and

ceffe their Venifon trapps had brought devoured by wolves before the Indians

them, but feeing fuch a long fcutted came to fecure them. See, alfo, Colonel

Deere, praunce in their Meritotter, they Norwood's Voyage to Virginia, (ill.

bade her good morrow, crying out, Forceps Tracls, No. 10, p. 39.)

New Englifli Canaan. 203

flefli is farre fweeter then the venifon of England : and hee
feedeth fatt and leane together, as a fwine or mutton, where
as our Deare of England feede fatt on the out fide : they
doe not croake at rutting time, nor fpendle fhafte, nor is
their flefli difcoloured at rutting. Hee, that will impale
ground fitting, may be brought once in the yeare where with
bats and men hee may take fo many to put into that parke,
as the hides will pay the chardge of impaleinge. If all
thefe things be well confidered, the Deare, as well as the
Mofe, may have a principall place in the catalogue of com-
modities.

I for my part may be bould to tell you, that my howfe The Hum-
was not without the flefli of this fort of Deare winter nor doggsjee.
fummer : the humbles was ever my dogges fee, which by the
wefell * was hanged on the barre in the chimney, for his diet
only : for hee has brought to my fland a brace in a morning,
one after the other before funne rifing, which I have killed.

There is likewife a third forte of deare,2 leffe then the Roe bucks or
other, (which are a kinde of rayne deare,) to the fouthward
of all the Englifli plantations : they are excellent good flefli.
And thefe alfo bring three fawnes at a time ; and in this
particular the Deare of thofe parts excell all the knowne
Deare of the whole world.

On all thefe the Wolfes doe pray continually. The befl Woifespray

upon Deare.

meanes

1 Wefil, obfolete for weafand. River. The ftatement that it is " leffe

2 The " third fort of Deere," of which then the other " (J. e. Virginian Deer),
the author evidently had no perfonal together with the fouthern habitat ac-
knowledge, is doubtlefs a myth, as the figned it, preclude reference to the Cari-
Virginia Deer is the only fpecies of fmall bou of northern New England, which
deer found in the United States, fouth the name "rayne deare" otherwife fug-
of New England, eaft of the Miffiffippi gefts.

204 New Englifli Canaan,

meanes they have to efcape the wolfes is by fwim-

* 7J ming to Iflands,1 or necks of land, whereby * they

efcape : for the wolfe will not prefume to follow them

untill they fee them over a river ; then, being landed, (they

wayting on the more,) undertake the water, and fo follow

with frefh fuite.

Beaver. The next in mine opinion fit to be fpoaken of, is the

Beaver;2 which is a Beaft ordained for land and water both,

and hath fore feete like a cunny, her hinder feete like a

goefe, mouthed like a cunny, but fhort eared like a Serat.

[He feeds on] fifhe in fummer, and wood in winter ; which

hee conveyes to his howfe built on the water, wherein hee

fitts with his tayle hanging in the water, which elfe would

over heate and rot off.

The Beavers Hee cuts the bodies of trees downe with his fore-teeth,

trees^with his which are fo long as a boares tufkes, and with the help of other

*" beavers, (which hold by each others tayles like a teeme of

horfes,

1 "They defire to be neare the Sea, fo than the preceding ftatement about the
that they may fwimme to the Iflands precaution the animal takes in winter to
when they are chafed by the Woolves." preferve his tail !

{New England's Profpetl, p. 18.) Deer Cunny, mentioned in the firft para-

Ifland is confequently a very common graph, is doubtlefs a feventeenth-cen-

name along the New England coaft ; and tury barbarifm for cony, a name at this

of the ifland bearing that name in Bof- time commonly applied to the rabbit,

ton harbor, now the fite of the city The context, both here and in the ac-

reformatory inflitutions, Wood fays: count of the mufkewajhe, feems to im-

" This Hand is fo called, becaufe of the ply this, although the word is correctly

Deare which often fwimme thither from written cony in the paragraph relating to

the Maine, when they are chafed by the Hares. In fome of the early accounts

woolves: fome have killed fixteene Deere of Virginia, publifhed in the firft half of

in a day upon this Hand." Young's the feventeenth century, hares and cun-

Chron. of Mafs., p. 405. See, alfo, nies are enumerated in the lifts of ani-

ShuxtXeffs Defer ifition of Bojlon, p. 464. mals, where the latter name evidently

2 The Beaver (Cajtorfber). The ac- means cony or rabbit. Serat, in the fame
count of the way " they draw the logg paragraph, is a term of much greater
to the habitation appoynted " is a fanci- obfeurity of application.

ful exaggeration, hardly lefs ridiculous

New Englifli Canaan. 205

horfes, the hindmoft with the logg on his fhoulder flayed by
one of his fore feete againft his head,) they draw the logg to
the habitation appoynted, placing the loggs in a fquare ; and
fo, by pyling one uppon another, they build up a howfe,
which with boghes is covered very ftrongly, and placed in
fome pond, to which they make a damme of brum wood,
like a hedge, fo flronge that I have gone on the top of it
croffe the current of that pond. The flefh of this beaft is
excellent foode. The fleece is a very choife furre, which,
(before the Salvages had commerce with Chriftians,) they
burned of the tayle : this beaft is of a mafculine vertue for
the advancement of Priapus,1 and is preferved for a difh for
the Sachems, or Sagamores ; who are the princes of the
people, but not Kings, (as is fondly fuppofed.)

* The fkinnes are the beft marchantable commodity * 78
that can be found, to caufe ready money to be brought

into the land, now that they are railed to 10. (hillings a Bower at

— , — — j — ___ — __ _. 0

, o \O.JJlll.

pound. a pound.

1 " The tail, as I have faid in another " Sables, from 8^. the payre, to 20s.
Treatife, is very fat and of a mafculine a payre.

vertue, as good as EringcPs or Satyrion- " Otter fkins, from 3J. to $s. a piece.

Roots." (Joffelyn's Two Voyages, p. 93.) " Luzernes, from is. to 10. a piece.

2 Bradford, writing of the year 1636, " Martins the beft, 4.J. a piece,
gives the following prices : " The coat " Fox fkins, 6d. a piece,
beaver ufualy at 20s. per pound, and " Mufke Rats fkins, 2s. a dozen,
fome at 24^. ; the fkin at 15 and fome- "Bever fkins that are full growne, in
times 16. I doe not remember any under feafon, are worth ys. a piece.

14. It may be the laft year might be " Bever fkins, not in feafon, to allow

fomething lower " (p. 346). In 1671 Jof- two fkins for one, and of the leffer, three

felyn fays : " A black Bears Skin here- for one.

tofore was worth forty fhillings, now "Old Bever fkins in mantles, gloves

you may have one for ten." {Rarities, or caps, the more worne the better, fo

p. 14.) The following prices were they be full of fur, the pound weight is

named as ruling in Virginia in 1650; 6s." See infra, 207, note 4, and alfo

(ill. Force's Trails, No. n, p. 52.) *8o.

206

New Englifli Canaan.

In 5 yeares
one man gott
t, igether
iooo p. in
goodgold.

The Otter in
winter hath
a furre as
black as Iett.

The Luferan

as bigg as a
hound.

The Martin
is about the
bignejfe of a
Pox.

A fervant of mine in 5. yeares was thought to have a 1000.
p. in ready gold gotten by beaver when hee dyed ; 1 whatfo-
ever became of it. And this beait may challenge prehemi-
nence in the Catalogue.

The Otter2 of thofe parts, in winter feafon, hath a furre fo
black as jett ; and is a furre of very highe price : a good
black fkinne is worth 3. or 4. Angels of gold. The Flefh
is eaten by the Salvages : but how good it is I cannot fhew,
becaufe it is not eaten by our Nation. Yet is this a beaft
that ought to be placed in the number amongft the Com-
modities of the Country.

The Luferan, or Luferet,3 is a beaft like a Catt, but fo bigg
as a great hound: with a tayle fhorter then a Catt. His
clawes are like a Catts. Hee will make a pray of the Deare.
His Flefh is dainty meat, like a lambe: his hide is a choife
furre, and accompted a good commodity.

The Martin4 is a beaft about the bignes of a Foxe. His

furre

1 The fervant here referred to was
probably Walter Bagnall, of Richmond
Ifland, who was killed by Indians, 061.
3, 1 63 1. See infra, 218, note 1.

2 The common Otter (Luira Canaden-
fis), now of rare occurrence in the more
fettled parts of fouthern New England.

3 The Luferan, or Luferet, is the Bay
Lynx, or Wild-cat (Lynx rufus).

" The Ounce or the wild Cat, is as big
as a mungrell dogge ; this creature is by
nature feirce, and more dangerous to bee
met withall than any other creature, not
feering either dogge or man ; he ufeth
to kill Deere which he thus effecteth :
Knowing the Deeres tracts, lie will lie
lurking in longweedes, the Deere paffing
by he fuddenly leapes upon his backe,
from thence gets to his necke, and

fcratcheth out his throate : he hath like-
wife a devife to get Geefe, for being
much of the colour of a Goofe, he will
place himfelfe clofe by the water, holding
up his bob taile, which is like a Goofe
necke ; the Geefe feeing this counterfeit-
ing Goofe, approch nigh to vifit him,
who with a fudden jerke apprehends his
miftruftleffe prey." (New England's
Prqfpecl, pp. 19, 20.) Joffelyn fays: " I
once found fix whole Ducks in the belly
of one I killed by a Pond fide." (Pari-
ties, p. 16.)

4 The Martin. Under this name are
doubtlefs confounded the Marten (Muf-
tela Americana) and the Fifher (M.
Pennanii). The fize, however, even in
cafe the P'ifher alone were referred to,
is greatly overftated.

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 207

furre is cheftnutt coloure : and of thofe there are greate (lore
in the Northerne parts of the Country, and is a good com-
modity.

The Racowne 1 is a beaft as bigg, full out, as a Foxe, with Racowne.
a Bufhtayle. His Flefh excellent foode : his oyle precious
for the Syattica : 2 his furre courfe, but the fkinnes ferve the
Salvages for coats, and is with thofe people of more
efleeme then a coate of beaver* becaufe of the tayles * 79
that (hanging round in their order) doe adorne the
srarment, and is therefore fo much efteemed of them. His
fore feete are like the feete of an ape ; and by the print
thereof, in the time of fnow, he is followed to his hole, which
is commonly in a hollow tree ; from whence hee is flered
out, and fo taken.

The Foxes are of two coloures ; the one redd, the other The Foxes
gray : 3 thefe feede on fifh, and are good furre : 4 they doe not

ftinke,

1 The Racowne is the common well- given in Morton's text. The abfence
known Raccoon (Procyon lotor). of ftrong fcent referred to relates to the

2 Joffelyn fays of the Raccoon : " their Gray Fox, a character mentioned by
greafe is foveraign for wounds with Joffelyn in his brief but sufficiently ex-
bruifes, aches, ftreins, bruifes ; and to plicit defcription of his Jaccal.

anoint after broken bones and difloca- 4 "The Indians fay they have black

tions." {Two Voyages, p. 85.) A little foxes, which they have often feen, but

further on (p. 92) he notes : "One Mr. never could take any of them. They

Ptirchafe cured himfelf of the Sciatica fay they are Manittooes, that is Gods,

with Bears-greek, keeping fome of it fpirits, or divine powers, as they fay of

continually in his groine." every thing which they cannot compre-

8 The Redd Fox is our common Red hend." (Williams's Key, ch. xvii.) The

Fox {Vulpes vulgaris, var. Pennfylva- black fox-fkin, Joffelyn fays {Rarities,

nicus). The Gray Fox is doubtlefs the p. 21), "heretofore was wont to be val-

Virginian or Gray Fox {Urocyon cincreo- ued at fifty and fixty pound, but now

argentatus) of the South and Weft, an you may have them for twenty (hillings;

animal formerly occurring in New Eng- indeed there is not any in ATew Eng-

land but long fince nearly extirpated. land that are perfectly black, but filver

This is inferred from Joffelyn's account hair'd, that is fprinkled with gray hairs."

of the Jaccal {New England's Rari- The black wolf's fkin, he fays {ib. p. 16),

ties, p. 22), rather than from any clew " is worth a Beaver Skin among the In-
dians,

2o8 New Englijli Canaan.

The Wolfes
of diverfe
coloures.

ftinke, as the Foxes of England, but their condition for their
pray is as the Foxes of England.

The Wolfes are of divers coloures ; 1 fome fandy coloured,
fome grifelled, and fome black : their foode is fifh, which
they catch when they paffe up the rivers into the ponds to
fpawne, at the fpring time. The Deare are alfo their pray,
and at fummer, when they have whelpes, the bitch will fetch
a puppy dogg from our dores to feede their whelpes with.
They are fearefull Curres, and will runne away from a man,
(that meeteth them by chaunce at a banke end,) as faft as
any fearefull dogge.2 Thefe pray upon the Deare very much.

The

dians, being highly efteemed for helping
old Aches in old people, worn as a Coat."
Of the foxes Wood remarks : " Some of
thefe be blacke ; their furre is of much
efteeme." {Profpe cl, p. 19.) Elfewhere
he fays that the fur of a black wolf was
"worth five or fixe pounds Sterling."
{lb. 20.)
See, alfo, fupra, 205, note 2.

1 The Wolf is the large Gray Wolf {Ca-
ms lupus), formerly abundant through-
out New England, and well known to
vary in color as mentioned by Morton.

2 "Tlieybe made much like a Mungrell,
being big boned, lanke paunched, deepe
breafted, having a thicke necke and
head, pricke eares, and long fnoute, with
dangerous teeth, long flaring haire, and
a great bufli taile. . . . It is obferved
that they have no joynts from their head
to the taile, which prevents them from
leaping or hidden turning." {New Eng-
land s Profpecl, p. 20.) See Joffelyn's
Parities, p. 14, and Two Voyages, p. 83.
He fays : " They commonly go in routs,
a rout of Wolves is 12 or more, fome-
times by couples." Of the Virginia fpe-
cies, Clayton fays : " Wolves there are
great ftore ; you may hear a Company
Hunting in an Evening, and yelping like

a pack of Beagles ; but they are very
cowardly, and dare fcarce venture on
anything that faces them ; yet if hun-
gry will pull down a good large Sheep
that flies from them. I never heard
that any of them adventured to fet on
Man or Child." (111. Force's Trails, No.
12, p. 37.) According to Strachey, thefe
Virginia wolves were " not much bigger
then Englifh foxes." {Hiftorie,\>. 125.)
Wood, however, fays that the Maffachu-
fetts wolves cared " no more for an ordi-
nary Maftiffe, than an ordinary Maftiffe
cares for a Curre ; many good dogges
have been fpoyled by them." Shortly
after the landing from the Mayflower at
Plymouth, John Goodman, one evening
in January, "went abroad to ufe his
lame feet, that were pitifully ill with the
cold he had got, having a little fpaniel
with him. A little way from the planta-
tion two great wolves ran after the dog ;
the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs
for fuccour. He had nothing in his
hand, but took up a flick and threw at
one of them and hit him, and they pref-
ently ran both away, but came again.
He got a pale-board in his hand ; and
they fet both on their tails grinning at
ind went their way
and

him a good while

New Engli/Ji Canaan, 209

The fkinnes are ufed by the Salvages, efpecially the fkinne
of the black wolfe, which is efteemed a prefent for a prince

there.

When there arifeth any difference betweene prince and Thejkinofa
prince, the prince that defires to be reconciled to his neigh- fpre/ent'for
bouring prince does endeavour to purchafe it by fending apr%
him a black wolfes fkinne for a prefent, and the acceptance
of fuch a prefent is an affurance of reconciliation be-
tweene them ; and the * Salvages will willingly give * 80
40. beaver fkinnes for the purchafe of one of thefe
black Wolfes fkinnes : 1 and allthough the beaft himfelfe be
a difcommodity, which other Countries of Chriftendome are
fubjecl unto, yet is the fkinne of the black wolfe worthy the
title of a commodity, in that refpecl: that hath bin declared.

If I mould not fpeake fomething of the beare,2 I might The Bear es
happily leave a fcruple in the mindes of fome effeminate a£%l °^a
perfone who conceaved of more dainger in them then there
is caufe. Therefore, to incourage them againft all Feare
and Fortifie their mindes againft needles danger, I will
relate what experience hath taught mee concerning them :
they are beafts that doe no harme in thofe parts ; they feede
upon Hurtleburies, Nuts and Fifh, efpecially fhell-fifh.

The Beare is a tyrant at a Lobfter, and at low water
will downe to the Rocks and groape after them with great
diligence.

Hee will runne away from a man as faft as a litle dogge. The Salvages
If a couple of Salvages chaunce to efpie him at his banquet, ^ha/Uiima

U ', c like a dogg
and kill him.
and left him." (Young's Chron. of 2 The common Black Bear (Urfus
Pilg., p. 178.) Americanus).

1 Supra, 205, note 2, and 207, note 4.

210

New Englifh Canaan.

Mnjkewa/he.

his running away will not ferve his turne, for they will coate
him, and chafe him betweene them home to theire howfes,
where they kill him, to fave a laboure in carrying him farre.
His Flefh is efteemed venifon, and of a better tafte then
beefe.1

His hide is ufed by the Salvages for garments, and is
more commodious then difcommodious ; and may paffe,
(with fome allowance,) with the reft.

The Mufkewafhe 2 is a beaft that frequenteth the

*8i ponds. What hee eats I cannot finde. Hee is * but

a fmall beaft, leffe then a Cunny, and is indeede in

thofe parts no other then a water Ratte ; for I have feene

the

1 " For Beares they be common, being
a great black kind of Beare, which be
mod fierce in Strawberry time, at which
time they have young ones ; at this time
likewife they will goe upright like a man,
and clime trees, and fwim to the Iflands :
which if the Indians fee, there will be
more fportful Beare bayting than Paris
Garden can afford. For feeing the
Beares take water, an Indian will leape
after him, where they goe to water cuffes
for bloody nofes, and fcratched fides ;
in the end the man gets the victory, rid-
ing the Beare over the watery plaine till
he can beare him no longer." (ATew
England 's Profpecl, p. 17.) " He makes
his Denn amongft thick Bufhes, thruft-
ing in here and there ftore of mofs,
which being covered with fnow and
melting in the day time with heat of the
Sun, in the night is frozen into a thick
coat of Ice ; the mouth of his Den is
very narrow, here they lye fingle, never
two in a Den all winter. The Indian
as foon as he finds them, creeps in upon
all four, feizes with his left hand upon
the neck of the fleeping Bear, drags him
to the mouth of the Den, where with a

club or fmall hatchet in his right hand
he knocks out his brains before he can
open his eyes to fee his enemy." {Two
Voyages, p. 91.) Wood adds that bear's
flefh was " accounted very good meete,
efteemed of all men above Venifon."
Clayton fays that "their flefh is com-
mended for a very rich fort of Pork."
{Virginia, in. Force's Trails No. 12,
p. 2>7-) " Beares there be manie towardes
the fea-coaft, which the Indians hunt
rnoft greedily ; for indeed they love
them above all other their flefh, and
therefore hardly fell any of them unto
us, unles upon large proffers of copper,
beads and hatchetts. We have eaten of
them, and they are very toothfome fvveet
venifon, as good to be eaten as the flefh
of a calfe of two yeares old ; howbeit
they are very little in comparifon of
thofe of Mufcovia and Tartaria." (Stra-
chey's Hijlorie, p. 123.) See, alfo, Jof-
felyn's New England's Rarities, pp. 13-
14, and Two Voyages, pp. 91-2.

2 The well-known Mufkrat or Muf-
quafh {Fiber zibethicus) of our ponds.
The " ftones " are the oder glands. In
refpeel to Cunny, teefupra 204, note 2.

New Englifli Canaan. 2 1 1

the fuckers of them digged out of a banke, and at that age
they neither differed in fhape, coloure, nor fize, from one of
our greate Ratts. When hee is ould, hee is of the Beavers
coloure ; and hath paffed in waite with our Chapmen for
Beaver.

The Male of them have ftones, which the Salvages, in un-
cafeing of them, leave to the fkinne, which is a molt deli-
cate perfume, and may compare with any perfume that I
know for goodneffe : Then may not this be excluded the
Catalogue.

This Country, in the North parts thereof, hath many Por- Porcupines.
cupines,1 but I doe not finde the beaffc any way ufefull or
hurtfull.

There are in thofe Northerne parts many Hedgehoggs, Hedg/wggs.
of the like nature to our Englifh Hedghoggs.2

Here are greate (tore of Conyes3 in thofe parts, of divers Conyesoffe-
coloures; fome white, fome black, and fome gray. Thofe '
towards the Southerne parts are very fmall, but thofe to the
North are as bigg as the Englifli Cony : their eares are very
fhort. For meate the fmall rabbit is as good as any that I
have eaten of elfe where. ^

1 The Porcupine is the Canadian Por- the Varying Hare (Lepus Americanus),
cupine (Erethizon dorfatus). or White Rabbit, which is brown in

2 The Hedgehogs is the fame as the fummer and white in winter. The ref-
Porcupine, the author being in error in erence to black ones is an error, wild
regarding it as "of the like nature to black hares being unknown except
our Englifh Hedgehoggs." The Englifh in cafes of Melanifm, which are of ex-
Hedgehog belongs to a very different tremely rare occurrence. We have no
order of mammals, and has no reprefen- /pedes of hare which is black. Rabbit,
tative in America. it may be added, is a name not ftriclly

8 The Conyes are Hares, the fmall applicable to any indigenous mammal

ones of the "Southerne parts" being of America, it being the vernacular

the little Gray Hare or Wood Rabbit fpecific defignation of an Old World

(Lepus fylvaticus) of fouthern New fpecies of hare.
England. Thofe of " the North " are

212

New Engli/Ii Caiiaan.

Squirils of
three forts.

A Flying
Squirill.

Snakes.

There are Squirils of three forts,1 very different in fhape
and condition ; one 2 is gray, and hee is as bigg as the leffer
Cony, and keepeth the woods, feeding upon nutts.

Another is red, and hee haunts our howfes and will rob
us of our Corne ; but the Catt many times payes him the

price of his prefumption.
* 82 * The third is a little flying Squirill, with batlike
winges, which hee fpreads when hee jumpes from tree
to tree, and does no harme.

Now becaufe I am upon a treaty of the beafts, I will place
this creature, the fnake, amongft the beafts, having my war-
rant from the holy Bible ; who, (though his pofture in his
paffage be fo different from all other, being of a more fubtile
and aidry nature, that hee can make his way without feete,
and lifte himfelfe above the fuperncies of the earth, as hee
glids along,) yet may hee not bee ranked with any but the
beafts, notwithstanding hee frequents the water, as well as
the land.

There are of Snakes divers and of feverall kindes, as be
with us in England ; but that Country hath not fo many as

in England have bin knowne.3

1 The "Squirils of three forts " are (1)
the Gray Squirrel (Scuirus Carolinen-
fs) ; (2) the Red Squirrel, or Chickaree
(S. Hudfonius) ; (3) the Flying Squir-
rel {Sciuropterits volucelltts). A fourth
kind, the Striped Squirrel, or Chip-
munk (Ta.7iiias flriatus) is not men-
tioned. The " batlike winges " are of
courfe neither batlike, nor even wings at
all, but merely a narrow furred mem-
brane extending along the fides of the
body, from the fore to the hind limbs.

The

2 [and] Seefupra, III, note 1.

8 " 1639. A fay, which fell out to be
extream hot and foggie, about the mid-
dle of May, I kill'd within a ftones
throw of our houfe, above four fcore
Snakes, fome of them as big as the
fmall of my leg, black of colour, and
three yards long, with a fharp horn
on the tip of their tail two inches in
length." (Joffelyn's Two Voyages, pp.
22-3.)

New Englifh Canaan. 213

The generall Salvage name of them is Afcowke.1
There is one creeping beaft or longe creeple, (as the name The rattle
is in Devonfhire,) that hath a rattle at his tayle that does na "'
difcover his age ; for fo many yeares as hee hath lived,
fo many joynts are in that rattle, which foundeth (when
it is in motion,) like peafe in a bladder; and this beafl;
is called a rattle Snake; but the Salvages give him the
name of Sefick,2 which fome take to be the Adder ; and
it may well be fo, for the Salvages are fignificiant in their
denomination of any thing, and [it] is no leffe hurtfull
than the Adder of England, nor no more. I have had my
dogge venomed with troubling one of thefe, and fo fwelled
that I had thought it would have bin his death : but with
one Saucer of Salet oyle powred downe his throate
he * has recovered, and the fwelling affwaged by the * 83
next day. The like experiment hath bin made upon
a boy that hath by chaunce troad upon one of thefe, and the
boy never the worfe. Therefore it is fimplicity in any one
that fhall tell a bugbeare tale of horrible, or terrible Ser-

pents, that are in that land.

Mife

1 Mr. J. H. Trumbull writes : " Mor- the Rattlefnake (Crotalus durijpus)
ton's afcowke is Eliot's afkook, R. Wil- were of the moft exaggerated kind. He
hams's afkiig, ' a make.' In Zeifberger's was defcribed as a reptile of prodigious
Delaware, achgookj whence (through fize, which could fly, and which poifoned
Heckevvelder) Cooper's Chingachcook, by its breath. (New England's Prof
'the Great^ Serpent,' in the Loft of the fiecl, p. 39.) The firft mention of this
Mohicans." fnake in Maffachufetts is found in Hig-

2 Williams, in his Key, gives the name ginfon's New England's Plantation
as Sefek. _ See, alfo, Mr. Trumbull's note [1630]. It is as follows : " This coun-
in his edition of the Key (p. 130). in the try beina; very full of woods and wilder-
publications of the Narraganfett Soci- neffes, doth alfo much abound with
ety. Wood gives it as feaficke. (Prof- fnakes and ferpents, of ftrange colors
peel, p. 86.) and huge greatnefs. Yea, there are

3 The ftories firft told in Europe of fome ferpents, called rattlefnakes, that

have

214

New Rnglifh Canaan.

Mife.

Lyons

al-

wates in hot
Clymats, not

in cold.

Mife there are good ftore, and my Lady Woodbees black
gray-malkin may have paftime enough there: but for Rats,
the Country by Nature is troubled with none.1

Lyons there are none in New England : 2 it is contrary to

the

have rattles in their tails, that will not
fly from a man as others will, but will
fly upon him and fting him fo mortally
that he will die within a quarter of
an hour after, except the party ftinged
have about him fome of the root of an
herb called fnake-weed to bite on, and
then he fhall receive no harm." (Young's
Chron. of Mafs., p. 255 ) Wood gives
an admirable defcription of the rattle-
fnake (Profpecl, pp. 38-9), and alfo
fpeaks of "the Antidote to expel the
poyfon, which is a root caled Snake
weede, which mull be champed, the
fpittle fwallowed, and the roote applied
to the fore. . . . Five or fix men have
been bitten by them, which by ufing of
fnakeweede were all cured, never any
yet lofing his life by them." Joffelyn, in
his Rarities (p. 39), fays : " The Indi-
ans when weary with travelling, will take
them up with their bare hands, laying
hold with one hand behind their Head,
with the other taking hold of their Tail,
and with their teeth tear off the Skin of
their backs, and feed upon them alive;
which they fay refrefheth them." He
further fays that the heart of the rattle-
fnake " fwallowed frefh " {Rarities, p.
39), or "dried and pulverized and drunk
with wine or beer " (Voyages, p. 1 14), is
an antidote againft its poifon. In Clay-
ton's Virginia (in. Force's Trails, No. 12,
p. 39), there is a verv entertaining paf-
fage, too long to extract, on Rattlefnakes,
and the ufe of Eaft India fnake-ftones
" that were fent [to Virginia] by King
James the Second, the Queen, and fome
of the Nobility, purpofely to try their
Virtue and Efficacy," at curing the bite
of vipers, &c.

1 The Mice, which our author found
in " good ftore," belong chiefly to three
fpecies, — namely, the common fhort-
tailed Meadow Moufe (Arvicola ripari-
us), the White-footed Moufe, or Deer
Moufe {Hefperomys leucopus), and the
Long-tailed Jumping Moufe, or Kanga-
roo Moufe (Zapus Hudfonius). The
common Houfe Moufe (Mus mufculus)
is an exotic peft, which doubtlefs had
not at that time made its appearance.
Morton is quite right in ftating : "but
for Rats, the Country by Nature is
troubled with none." The Black Rat
(Mus rattus) was quite early introduced,
but the Gray, Wharf, or Norway Rat
(Mus decumanus) probably did not
make its appearance till fully a century
after Morton wrote his New EngliJJi
Canaan.

2 Morton, as was natural for a keen
fportfman who had himfelf been in the
tropics, was wifer on the fubjecl of Lions
than other Engifhmen in New England,
from the firft landing at Plymouth,
when John Goodman and Peter Browne,
getting loft in the woods, heard "two
lions roaring exceedingly," down to
1639, when Joffelyn heard " of a young
Lyon (not long before) kill'd at Pafcata-
way by an Indian," there were vague
ftories of thefe animals having been
either feen or heard in the New England
woods. Joffelyn argued on the great
probability that there were lions becaufe
there were jackals (Rarities, p. 21) ;
and Wood faid that "the Virginians faw
an old Lyon in their Plantation, who
having loft his Iackall, which was wont
to hunt his prey, was brought fo poore
that he could goe no further." {Prof-
peel,

New Englifh Canaan. 215

the Nature of the beaft to frequent places accuftomed to
fnow ; being like the Catt, that will hazard the burning of
her tayle rather than abide from the fire.

Chap. VI.

Of Stones mid Minerals}

NOw, (for as much as I have in a breife abftra6i fhewed
you the Creatures whofe fpecificall Natures doe fim-
pathife with the elements of fire and aire,) I will come to
fpeake of the Creatures that participate of earth more then
the other two, which is ftones.

And firft of the Marble for building ; whereof there is Marble.
much in thofe parts, in fo much there is one bay in the land
that beareth the name of Marble harber, becaufe of the
plenty of Marble there : 2 and thefe * are ufefull for * 84
building of Sumpteous Pallaces.

And becaufe no good building can be made permanent, Limejione.
or durable, without Lime, I will let you underfhand that

there

fieft, p. 17.) Strachey fpeaks of having As in the three preceding chapters, cer-

found the fkins and claws of lions in tain other notes of my own have been

the hands of the Indians. (Hiftorie, p. added, which are of a wholly different

124.) The animal referred to in all thefe character, and will readily be diftin-

cafes was doubtlefs the Panther or Cat- guifhed from ProfefTor Shaler's.
amount {Felts concolor). On this fub- 2 The marble of Marble Harbor, or

jec~t fee alfo Young's Ckron. of Pilg-, Marblehead, is not, in the prefent fenfe

p. 176, note ; Tuckerman's New Eng- of the word, a marble at all, but is, in

land's Rarities, p. 57, note ; and the fact, a porphyry. In the old fenfe of

Mem. Hijlory of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 9. the word it designated any fmooth-ftriped

1 For the fcientific and technical notes or fpotted ftones, fuch as are found

to this chapter I am indebted to Profef- there,
for N. S. Shaler of Harvard Univerfity.

2l6

New Englifli Canaan.

there is good Limeftone neere to the river of Monatoquinte,1
at Uttaquatock,2 to my knowledge ; and we hope other places
too, (that I have not taken fo much notice of,) may have
the like, or better : and thofe Hones are very convenient
for building.

chalk. Chalke ftones there are neere Squantos Chappell,3 fhewed

me by a Salvage.

siate. There is abundance of excellent Slate i in divers places of

the Country ; and the befl that ever I beheld for covering
of howfes : and the inhabitants have made good ufe of thefe
materials for building.

whetjiones. There is a very ufefull Stone in the Land, and as yet
there is found out but one place where they may be had, in
the whole Country : Ould Woodman, (that was choaked at
Plimmouth after hee had played the unhappy Markes man
when hee was purfued by a careleffe fellow that was new
come into the Land,) they fay laboured to get a patent of
it to himfelfe. Hee was beloved of many, and had many
fonnes that had a minde to engroffe that commodity. And

1 No limeftone, good or bad, is known
to exift on the Monatoquit now; the
neareft limeftone is at Bear (or Bare)
Hill, in Stoneham.

2 There is a locality in Eaft Braintree,
included in the Wainwright eftate, at
the foot of Wyman's Hill and facing the
Weymouth Fore-river, into which the
Monatoquit flows, where is a quarry
from which ftone bearing fome exter-
nal refemblance to limeftone was for-
merly taken for ballaft. This place
has always been locally called the
Quaw, though the origin and meaning
of the name have never been known.
It would feem that this mull be the place

referred to in the text, and that Quaw,
or Quor, is a corruption of the Indian
Attaquatock.

3 There are no " chalke ftones " at
Squanto's Chapelle, i. e., Squantum, or
anywhere elfe in this part of the world.
Morton may poffibly have miftaken peb-
bles of decayed felfpar for chalk.

4 There is fome date in Quincy and
Weymouth that might be ufed for roof-
ing, and a quarry of it was long worked
for material for graveftones, &c, on
Squantum Bay, a mile or fo from Mount
Wollafton ; but it is date of a very
poor fort. The neareft workable date
is in Vermont and Maine.

New Englifli Canaan.

217

I cannot fpie any mention made of it in the woodden
profpect..1

Therefore I begin to fufpecl his aime, that it was for
himfelfe ; and therefore will I not difcover it : it is the
Stone fo much commended by Ovid, becaufe love delighteth
to make his habitation in a building of thofe materials,
where hee advifes thofe that feeke for love to doe it, Duris
in Cotibus ilium?

This ftone the Salvages doe call Cos;3 * and of * 85
thefe, (on the North end of Richmond Hand,) are
ftore, and thofe are very excellent good for edg'd tooles.4 I

envy

1 This paffage is more than ufually
confufed, even for Morton. It is difficult
to fay whether he is perpetrating a clumfy
joke, or indulging in a malicious infinu-
ation. John Billington was hanged at
Plymouth in September, 1630, being ap-
parently the fecond perfon fo executed in
what is now Maffachufetts, the firft hav-
ing been executed at Weymouth during
the winter of 1622-3. {Infra, * 108-10.)
The man fhot by Billington, and for
whofe murder he was hung, was John
New-comin (Bradford, p. 277), whence
Morton's play upon the name. Billing-
ton had two fons, but he was by no
means " beloved." As Bradford, writing
about him as early as 1625, faid, " he is a
knave," adding prophetically "and fo
will live and die." (Savage's Winthrop,
vol. i. p. *36). Why Morton fhould have
called him " Ould Woodman " is not
clear. From his immediately going on
to talk of the " woodden profpecl:," and
the wifh of its author to fecure for him-
felf a monopoly of the Richmond Ifland
whetftones, which " Ould Woodman la-
bored to get a patent of," it would feem
as if he had intended to convey the idea
that William Wood, the author of the

New England^s Profpecl, was one of
the " many fonnes " of" Old Woodman,"
who had been hanged at Plymouth.
That fuch was Morton's intention,
however, is not clear. The paffage is
muddled, but not neceffarily malicious.

2 The words quoted are not Ovid's,
but Virgil's. Eclogues, viii. 43.

3 Supra, 1 24.

4 Joffelyn, in his Two Voyages (p. 202),
fpeaks of the "excellent whetftones"
then (1670) found at Richmond Ifland.

" There is a fpecies of flate quite
abundant on Richmond's Ifland, and
fome other Iflands in Cafco Bay, which
has been ufed for oil-ftones. Joffelyn,
in his Voyages, fays that 'tables of flate
could he got out long enough for a
dozen men to fit at.' " See a communi-
cation on this paffage of the New Ca-
naan, figned J. P. B., in the Portland
Prefs of January 2, 1883. Profeffor
Shaler adds : " It is interefting to note
the fact that Morton faw that whet-
ftones could be made the bafis for trade.
Stones fuitable for this purpofe are rare
in Europe, and to-day a New Hampshire
company fhips large quantities to Eu-
rope and even to Auftralia."

2i8 New Englifh Canaan,

envy not his happineffe. I have bin there : 1 viewed the
place : liked the commodity : but will not plant fo Northerly
for that, nor any other commodity that is there to be had.

There

1 Richmond Ifland lies directly fouth-
eaft of Cape Elizabeth and clofe to
it. From what Morton fays in the next
chapter and elfewhere {infra, *I49), it
would feem that before his arreft by
Standifh in June, 1628, — that is, in the
fummer of 1627, — he had a fur ftation on
the coaft of Maine. (Supra, 23.) Win-
throp, writing under date of October 22,
1 63 1, mentions the murder of " Walter
Bagnall, called Great Watt, and one

John P who kept with him," by the

Indians at Richmond Ifland. He adds :
" This Bagnall was fometimes fervant
to one in the bay, and thefe three years
had dwelt alone in the faid ifle, and had
gotten about ^400 moft in goods. He
was a wicked fellow, and had much
wronged the Indians." (Winthrop, vol,
i. p. *63). Bagnall would, from this, ap-
pear to have been one of Morton's fer-
vants at Mount Wollafton, as he alone
in " the bay," at that time, had any
number of fervants, or was engaged in
trade on the Maine coaft. As Bagnall
was killed in 1631, and had then lived
alone at Richmond Ifland three years,
he feems to have taken up his abode
there in 1628, the time of the breaking
up of the company at Mount Wollafton
by Standifh and Endicott, and the fettle-
ment at Richmond Ifland was thus the
Maine offfhoot of that at Merry-mount.
Bagnall was probably that one of Mor-
ton's fervants who, he fays, was reputed,
when he died, to have made a thoufand
pounds in the fur trade in five years,
" whatfoever became of it." (Supra, *78).
Morton's expreffion here of " five years "
agrees with Winthrop's "three years,"
and confirms this furmife. Bagnall had
died in 1631. Morton had gotten con-

trol at Mount Wollafton in 1626. (Supra,
15.) Bagnall had remained there as his
fervant two years, until 1628 ; then had
been frightened away and gone to Rich-
mond I (land, where he had lived three
years more, as Winthrop fays, — mak-
ing in all Morton's five years. In his
phrafe " whatfoever became of it" Mor-
ton characteriftically throws out an in-
finuation in regard to Bagnall's poffef-
fions. He probably meant to imply
fome underhand proceeding to get hold
of them on the part of the Maffachufetts
Bay people. Recently a theory has
been advanced in the Maine prefs, that
Bagnall was an Epifcopalian, and com-
petitor in trade of the Maffachufetts
Company, and that Winthrop and his
affociates, not being able otherwife to
get rid of him, compaffed his death by
indirect means. (See a letter of S. P.
Mayberry in Portland Prefs of Jan. 9,
1883.) Winthrop fays that moft of the
poffeffions in queftion were in goods.
A portion would naturally be in the form
of money, and it was left for the prefent
generation to form a moft plaufible fur-
mife as to " whatfoever became " of
fome of this money. On May 11, 1855,
an old ftone pot was turned up by the
ploughfhare, on Richmond Ifland, con-
taining fifty-two coins ; and Mr. Willis,
the hiftorian of Portland, then took
occafion, in a letter to the Maffachufetts
Hiftorical Society (Proceedings, May
1857, pp. 183-8), to "exprefs the belief
that the money [was] connected with the
fate of Walter Bagnall, who was killed
by Sagamore Squidraket and his party,
Oct. 3, 1631." There was nothing to
(how that any of the coins were of a
later date than 1631. A patent for

Richmond

New Englifh Canaan.

219

There are Loadeftones 1 alfo in the Northerne parts of the Loadjiones.
land : and thofe which were found are very good, and are a
commodity worth the noteing.

Iron ftones 2 there are abundance : and feverall forts of ironjiones.
them knowne.

Lead ore3 is there likewife, and hath bin found by the Lead.
breaking of the earth, which the Froft hath made mellow.

Black Leade4 I have likewife found very good, which the Biackiead.
Salvages ufe to paint their faces with.

Red Leade5 is there likewife in great abundance. Read lead.

There is very excellent Boll Armoniack.6 Boil.

There is moft excellent Vermilion.7 All thefe things the Vermilion.
Salvages make fome litle ufe of, and doe finde them on the
circumference of the Earth.

Richmond Ifland, together with fifteen
hundred acres on the main land, was
iffued to Bagnall by the Council for
New England, Dec. 2, 163 1, juft three
months after his death. (Records of
the Council, pp. 51-2.) Morton was
then in England, and unqueftionably in
communication with Gorges. (Supra,

490

1 Doubtlefs the magnetic iron oxides.

None of thefe are known to me nearer
than in the mountains forming the weft-
erly part of the Berkfhire Hills, from
New York City to the Adirondacks, ex-
cept in Cumberland, R. I., where there
is fome iron of this nature.

'2 No ironftones are known around
Maffachufetts bay; the neareft depofits
are in Rhode Ifland.

3 Small quantities of galena ore have
been found in Woburn and that vicinity.
There are fome localities near New-
buryport where the favages may have
found fmall quantities of galena.

Brimftone

4 Black leade is doubtlefs plumbago,
or graphite ; it is found in Wrentham
and in Worcefter, Mafs., as well as at
various points in Rhode Ifland.

5 Red leade is doubtlefs an ochre, fuch
as may have been found near Cranfton,
R. I.

6 Boll armoniack is the Bolus armen-
iaca of the old apothecaries. Bolus is the
prefix to feveral old pharmacopial names,
having loft its original fpecial fignifi-
cation and come to be a given term for
all lumpy fubftances. Here it means a
fort of reddilh clay, fuch as may be ufed
for marking, — a clayey ochre fuch as
may have come from about Providence,
R. I.

7 Vermilion oxide of mercury is not
known to occur this fide of the Rocky
Mountains. It is likely that he miftook
fome brilliant ochre for true vermilion.
It may be, however, that the aborigi-
nes traded for it with weflern tribes.
Their copper implements probably came

from

22o New Engli/Ii Canaan.

Brimjlone.
Tinne.

Copper.

Silver.

Brimftone 1 mines there are likewife.

Mines of Tinne 2 are likewife knowne to be in thofe parts :
which will in fhort time be made ufe of : and this cannot be
accompted a meane commodity.

Copper mines 3 are there found likewife, that will enrich
the Inhabitants. But untill theire younge Cattell be growne
hardy labourers in the yoake, that the Plough and the
Wheate may be feene more plentifully, it is a worke mult be

forborne.
* 86 * They fay there is a Silver, and a gold mine 4 found
by Captaine Littleworth : 5 if hee get a patent of it to
himfelfe hee will furely change his name.

Chapter VII.

from Lake Superior. Many evidences
of almoft as wide a commerce could be
adduced.

1 Brimftone, or fulphur, does not exift
in its metallic ftate this fide of the Cor-
dilleras. He may have feen fome pyrite-
bearing fchifts, fuch as occur in Maine,
which in dumping give a fulphuric fmell.

2 Tin does not occur in this region.
Some localities are known in Maine and
elfewhere in New England, but they
could hardly have been found by the
Savages, or known to Morton.

8 Copper in its metallic ftate, the only
form in which he would have recog-
nized it, does not occur about Maffa-
chufetts Bay. A very little of it has
been found in Cumberland, R. I., in the
valley of the Blackftone River.

4 No filver, except when combined
with lead and zinc ore, has ever been
found in this diftricrt. Some occurs in
the diftricf from Woburn to Newbury-
port. Metallic filver could not have
been known to the natives. The near-
eft localities for metallic gold are the

ftreams of Vermont, New Hampfhire,
and weftern Maine, in which diftricl
placer gold occurs in confiderable quan-
tities, and fome auriferous quartz veins
are known.

Profeffor Shaler adds to his foregoing
notes : " The general impreffion which
I get from the writer is that he was a
bad obferver, but not more untruthful
than molt of the feventeenth century
travellers. He does not fay that gold
or filver had been feen by him, and
limits his hearfay evidence to a tingle
mine. Except for the extraordinary
fluff about the whetftones, — wherein
we may perhaps fee fomething of the
Maypole humor, — it is, for its time, a
rather fober and reafonable ftory."

5 This is the name by which Morton
invariably defignates John Endicott. For
reafons which have been explained in
the preliminary matter to this edition of
the New Canaan (fupra, pp. 38-42), its
author felt — and, as will be feen, never
miffed an opportunity to exprefs — a
peculiar bitternefs towards Endicott.

New Englifli Canaan. 221

Chap. VII.

Of the Fifties, and what commodity they proove}

AMong Fifhes, firft I will begin with the Codd, becaufe
it is the mofl commodious of all fifli, as may appeare
by the ufe which is made of them in forraigne parts.

The Codd fifhing is much ufed in America, (whereof New codd.
England is a part,) in fo much as 300. Sayle of fhipps,
from divers parts, have ufed to be imployed yearely in that
trade.

I have feene in one Harboure,2 next Richmond Hand, 15. \$-shiPPsat
Sayle of fhipps at one time, that have taken in them driyed codd.
Codds for Spaine and the Straights, and it has bin found
that the Saylers have made 15. 18. 20. 22. p. fhare for a
common man.

The Coaft aboundeth with fuch multitudes of Codd 3 that
the inhabitants of New England doe dunge their grounds

with

1 For the notes to this chapter I am taking them. In editing the Rarities,

indebted to Theodore Lyman, of the Mr. Tuckerman remarked that he had

MaiTachufetts Fifli Commiffion. Hig- " little to offer in elucidation of the lift

ginfon, in his New England's Planta- [of fifhes], which, indeed, in good part,

tion, has a paffage on Fifh (Young's appears fufficiently intelligible," — a re-

Chron. of Afafs., pp. 248-51), and Wil- mark equally applicable to the prefent

liams, in his Key, devotes a chapter (xix.) chapter of the New Canaan.

to the fame fubject. Wood again, in his 2 Portland Harbor. See fupra, 218,

Profpecl (pp. 27-31), deals with it in his note 1.

peculiar manner, and Joffelyn, both in 8 This proves that the local Cod, i. e.,
his Voyages (pp. 104-15) and in his thofe that breed clofe to the fhore, have
Rarities (pp. 22-37), devotes a good much decreafed; and this partly by over-
deal of fpace to the enumeration of the fifhing, and partly by the falling-off of
different kinds of New England fifhes, their food in the form of young fiflies
their peculiarities, and the methods of coming to the fea from rivers and brooks.

222 New Englifh Canaan.

with Codd ; and it is a commodity better than the golden
mines of the Spanifh Indies ; for without dried Codd the
Spaniard, Portingal and Italian would not be able to vittel
of a fhipp for the Sea ; and I am fure at the Canaries it is
the principall commodity : which place lyeth neere
* 8y New England, very convenient for the vending of
this commodity, one hundred of thefe being at the
price of 300. of New found land Codds : greate ftore of
Oyiemaydof traine oyle1 is mayd of the livers of the Codd, and is a com-
the Cod/. modity that without queftion will enrich the inhabitants of
New England quicly; and is therefore a principall com-
modity.
a 100 Bajfe The Baffe 2 is an excellent Fifh, both frefh and Salte; one
hundred whereof falted, (at a market,) have yeilded 5. p.
They are fo large, the head of one will give a good eater a
dinner; and for daintineffe of diet they excell the Mary-
bones of Beefe. There are fuch multitudes, that I have
feene flopped into the river clofe adjoyning to my howfe,
with a fand at one tide, fo many as will loade a fhip of a
100. Tonnes.

Other places have greater quantities, in fo much as wagers
have bin layed that one fhould not throw a ftone in the
water but that hee fhould hit a fifh.

I my felfe, at the turning of the tyde, have feene fuch
multitudes paffe out of a pound, that it feemed to mee that
one might goe over their backs drifhod. ^, ~

1 This is perhaps the firft mention in Bafs mentioned four paragraphs below,
America of cod-liver oil, now fo much as chafing mackerel "into the (hallow
ufed in medicine. waters," may perhaps be the Bluefifh

2 The Striped Bafs (Labrax). The (Temnodon).

New Englifli Canaan. 223

Thefe follow the bayte up the rivers, and fometimes are
followed for bayte and chafed into the bayes, and (hallow
waters, by the grand pife i1 and thefe may have alfo a prime
place in the Catalogue of Commodities.

The Mackarels are the baite for the Baffe, and thefe Mackareii
have bin chafed into the fhallow waters where fo many 2^"
thoufands have fhott themfelves a fliore with the furfe of the
Sea, that whole hogges-heads have bin taken up on
the Sands ; and for length, they excell * any of other * 88
parts: they have bin meafured 18. and 19. inches in
length and feaven in breadth : and are taken with a drayle,2
(as boats ufe to paffe to and froe at Sea on bufineffe,) in very
greate quantities all alonge the Coafte.

The Fifh is good, falted, for ftore againft the winter, as
well as frefh; and to be accounted a good Commodity.

This Sturgeon in England is regalis pifcis ;3 every man in sturgeon.
New England may catch what hee will : there are multitudes
of them, and they are much fatter then thofe that are
brought into England from other parts, in fo much as by
reafon of their fatneffe they doe not looke white, but yellow,

which

1 This is either an expreffion which 2 " Thefe Macrills are taken with

has wholly paffed out of ufe, or elfe a drailes, which is a long fmall line, with

mifprint. Probably the latter. It may, a lead and a hooke at the end of it,

however, alfo be furmifed that Morton being baited with a peece of a red

characleriftically coined a word from cloath." {New England's Pro/pett, p.

the Latin, and here meant to refer to 30.) This inftrument ftill bears the fame

the various large fifh in New England name and is ufed in the fame way.

waters, fuch as the Horfe Mackerel 3 When caught in the Thames, within

(Thynnus fecunda dorfalis), the Mac- the jurifdiftionof the Lord Mayor of Lon-

kerel Shark {Lamna punctata), and don, the Sturgeon (Acipenfer) is a royal

the common Dogfifh (Acanthias Amer- fifh referved for the fovereign. "The

icanus), all of which follow fchools of Sturgeon is a Regal fifh too, I have feen

mackerel, bafs, &c, into fhoal waters of them that have been fixteen foot in

and prey upon them. lenghth." (Joffel., Two Voyages, p. 105.)

224 New Englifli Canaan.

Salmon.

Herrings.

Great plenty
of Eeles.

which made a Cooke prefume they were not fo good as
them of Roufhea: filly fellow that could not underftand
that it is the nature of flfh falted, or pickelled, the fatter the
yellower being beft to preferve. 1

For the tafte, I have warrant of Ladies of worth, with
choife pallats for the commendations, who liked the tafte fo
well that they efteemed it beyond the Sturgeon of other
parts, and fayd they were deceaved in the lookes : therefore
let the Sturgeon paffe for a Commodity.

Of Salmons there is greate abundance : and thefe may be
allowed for a Commodity, and placed in the Catallogue.

Of Herrings there is greate ftore, fat and faire : and,
(to my minde,) as good as any I have feene; and thefe
may be preferved, and made a good commodity at the

Canaries.
* 89 * Of Eeles there is abundance, both in the Salt-
waters and in the frefh : and the frefh water Eele
there, (if I may take the judgement of a London Fifhmonger,)
is the beft that hee hath found in his life time. I have
with 2.2 eele potts found my howfehold, (being nine perfons,
befides doggs,) with them, taking them every tide, (for 4.
moneths fpace,) and preferving of them for winter ftore:3
and thefe may proove a good commodity. qc

1 But little attention has been paid
as yet in the United States to the Stur-
geon fiflieries, in fpite of their great
abundance.

2 [jieele.] Seefufira, in, note I.

8 "There be a greate ftore of Salt
water Eeles, efpecially in fuch places
where graffe growes: for to take thefe
there be certaine Eele pots made of
Ofyers, which muft be baited with a
peece of Lobfter, into which the Eeles

entering cannot returne backe againe;
fome take a bufhell in a night in this
maner, eating as many as they have
neede of for the prefent, and fait up the
reft againft Winter. Thefe Eeles be not
of fo lufcious a taft as they be in Eng-
land, neither are they fo aguifh, but are
both wholfom for the body, and delight-
ful] for the tafte." {New England's
Prof peel, p. 30.)

New Englifli Canaan, 225

Of Smelts there is fuch abundance that the Salvages doe smelts.
take them up in the rivers with bafkets, like fives.

There is a Fifh, (by fome called fhadds, by fome allizes,)1 shaddsor
that at the fpring of the yeare paffe up the rivers to fpaune i0 dlZJ m
in the ponds ; and are taken in fuch multitudes in every &round-
river, that hath a pond at the end, that the Inhabitants
doung their ground with them. You may fee in one towne-
fhip a hundred acres together fet with thefe Fifh, every acre
taking iooo. of them: and an acre thus dreffed will pro-
duce and yeald fo much corne as 3. acres without fifh : and,
leafl any Virginea man would inferre hereupon that the
ground of New England is barren, becaufe they ufe no fifh
in fetting their corne, I defire them to be remembred the
caufe is plaine, in Virginea they have it not to fett. But
this practife is onely for the Indian Maize, (which muft be
fet by hands,) not for Englifli graine : and this is there-
fore a commodity there.

There is a large fized fifh called Hallibut, or Turbut:2 Turimtor
fome are taken fo bigg that two men have much a
doe to hale them into the boate ; but there is * fuch * 90
plenty, that the fifher men onely eate the heads and
finnes, and throw away the bodies : fuch in Paris would
yeeld 5. or 6. crownes a peece : and this is no difcom-
modity. There

1 Morton confounds the Shad (Alofa fhore or in fhoal water. It is taken by
pr&Jtabilis), or Allize (corruption of the the Gloucefter fifhermen along the outer
French Alofe), with the fmaller Ale wife, banks, in depths of a hundred to two
This, with the Smelt and the Eel, are hundred fathoms. The New England
among the few fhore fifties that are ftill Turbot (Lophopfetta) of our coafts is a
found in comparative plenty. The Men- different fifh, and rarely ventures to the
haden is ufed in our time to fet corn. north of Cape Cod. The fifhermen

2 At the prefent time the Halibut frequently fell our turbot as chicken-
(Hippoglojfus) is feldom caught near the halibut.

226 New Englifli Canaan.

Plaice. There are excellent Plaice,1 and eafily taken. They,

(at flowing water,) do almoft come afhore, fo that one may
ftepp but halfe a foote deepe and prick them up on the
fands and this may paffe with fome allowance.

Hake. Hake 2 is a dainty white fifh, and excellent vittell frefh ;

and may paffe with other commodities, becaufe there are
multitudes.

puckers. There are greate ftore of Pilchers : 3 at Michelmas, in

many places, I have feene the Cormorants4 in length 3. miles
feedinge upon the Sent.

Lobjiers. Lobfters are there infinite in ftore in all the parts of the

land, and very excellent. The moft ufe that I made of
them, in 5. yeares after I came there, was but to baite my
Hooke for to catch Baffe ; I had bin fo cloyed with them
the firft day I went a fhore.

This being knowne, they fhall paffe for a commodity to
the inhabitants; for the Salvages will meete 500, or 1000.
at a place where Lobfters come in with the tyde, to eate,
and fave dried for ftore ; abiding in that place, feafting and
fporting, a moneth or 6. weekes together.5 There

1 The Flounder {Pfendopleuronecles), about the Gulf of St. Lawrence and
whereof there are feveral fpecies. northward, vifiting New England waters

2 Hake (Phycis) are ftill fomewhat during the autumn and winter. While
common. with us they are exclufively maritime,

3 Morton probably means the Men- frequenting by choice the vicinity of
haden (Brevoortia). The European Pilch- outlying ledges and fmall, rocky iflands.
ard, the adult of the Sardine, is not When paffing from place to place, they
found on our coaft. often fly in large flocks, which are ufu-

4 Probably the Double-crefted Cor- ally arranged in long lines or Angle
morant (Phalacrocorax dilophus). The files. They live on fifh, which they
Common Cormorant (P. carbo) alfo capture by diving.

occurs in New England, but it is rare 5 This paragraph, and the one on
to the fouthward of Maine. Both fpe- clams immediately following it, throw
cies breed abundantly on rocky fhores confiderable light on the formation of

the

New Engli/Ii Canaan, 227

There are greate ftore of Oyfters in the entrance of all Oyjiers.
Rivers : they are not round as thofe of England, but excel-
lent fat, and all good. I have feene an Oyfter banke a mile
•at length.

Muftles there are infinite ftore ; I have often gon Mujiks.

* to Waffagufcus, where were excellent Muftles, to eate * 91
for variety, the fifh is fo fat and large.1

Games is a fhellfifh, which I have feene fold in Weftmin- ciames.
fter for 12. pe. the fkore. Thefe our fwine feede upon, and
of them there is no want ; every more is full ; it makes the
fwine proove exceedingly, they will not faile at low water to
be with them. The Salvages are much taken with the
delight of this fiflie, and are not cloyed, notwithstanding the
plenty : for our fwine we finde it a good commodity.

Rafer fillies there are. Raferfifk.

Freeles there are, Cockles and Scallopes;2 and divers Freeie.
other forts of Shellfifhe, very good foode.

Now that I have fhewed you what commodities are there
to be had in the Sea, for a Market ; I will fhew what is in
the Land, alfo, for the comfort of the inhabitants, wherein it
doth abound. And becaufe my tafke is an abftracl:, I will
difcover to them the commodity thereof.

There are in the rivers, and ponds, very excellent Trouts, Frejiifijii,
Carpes, Breames, Pikes, Roches, Perches, Tenches, Eeles, carpes,

1 Breames,
and pj&es, Roches,
Perches,
the fhell-heaps, a queftion which has proceedings of that meeting in the Col- Tenches,
been recently much difcuffed. See the lections of the Society. and Eeles.

paper of Profeffor F. W. Putnam, read at * We, in this country, have not re-
the meeting of the Maine Hiftorical So- tained the European tafte for muffels
ciety in Portland, in December, 1882, and for razor-fhells (Solen).
which will appear in the report of the 2 The eating of fcallops {Pecleti) has

been revived within a few years.

228 New Engli/Ji Canaan.

and other fifhes fuch as England doth afford, and as good
for variety ; yea, many of them much better ; and the Na-
tives of the inland parts doe buy hookes of us, to catch
them with : and I have knowne the time that a Trouts
hooke hath yeelded a beaver fkinne, which hath bin a good
commodity to thofe that have bartered them away.

Thefe things I offer to your confideration, (curteous
Reader,) and require you to fliew mee the like in any part of
the knowne world, if you can.

*Chap. VIII

Foode and
Fire.

Noe Boggs.

Perfumed
aire with
fweet herbes.

Of the goodnes of the Country and the Waters.

NOw fince it is a Country fo infinitely bleffc with foode,
and fire, to roaft or boyle our Flefh and Fifh, why
fhould any man feare for cold there, in a Country warmer
in the winter than fome parts of France, and neerer the
Sunne : unles hee be one of thofe that Salomon bids goe to
the Ant and the Bee.

There is no boggy ground knowne in all the Country,
from whence the Sunne may exhale unwholfom vapors:
But there are divers arematicall herbes and plants, as Saffa-
fras, Mufke Rofes, Violets, Balme, Lawrell, Hunnifuckles,
and the like, that with their vapors perfume the aire ; and it
has bin a thing much obferved that fhipps have come from
Vireinea where there have bin fcarce five men able to hale a
rope, untill they have come within 40. Degrees of latitude

and

New Kngli/Ii Canaan. 229

and fmell the fweet aire of the fhore, where they have fud-
dainly recovered.1

And for the water, therein it excelleth Canaan by much ; of Waters.
for the Land is fo apt for Fountaines, a man cannot digg
amiffe : therefore if the Abrahams and Lots of our times
come thether, there needs be no contention for wells.

Befides there are waters of molt excellent vertues, worthy
admiration.

* At Ma-re-Mount there was a water,2 (by mee dif- * 93 The cure of
covered,) that is moft excellent for the cure of Mel- Maremmnt.

ancolly probatum.

At Weenafemute is a water, the vertue whereof is to The cure of

13(1 KfC7l 1T€ 116*

cure barrenneffe. The place taketh his name of that Foun-
taine which fignifieth quick fpring, or quickning fpring
probatum.3

Neere Squantos Chappell,4 (a place fo by us called,) is a water pro-
Fountaine that caufeth a dead fleepe for 48. howres to thofe deaJ'feepe.
that drinke 24. ounces at a draught, and fo proportionably.

The

1 A ftrong fpirit of emulation exifted 8 Winnifimmet, the Indian name of
in the early years of the feventeenth Chelfea. Upon the fignificance of the
century, between the advocates of New name Mr. Trumbull writes : " I have
England and thofe of Virginia, as fites my doubts about Morton's Weenafem-
for colonization. Morton was always a ute, but am inclined to believe that his
ftanch New Englander, and in this interpretation is founded on fact. Af-
chapter, as well as in thofe which imme- him (= aflm, in local dialecl) is once
diately precede and follow it, he lofes ufedby Eliot (Cant. iv. 12) for 'fountain.'
no opportunity to affert the fuperiority of It denotes a place from which water (for
the Maffachufetts climate and produces drinking) is taken. WinrfafJiim, or
over thofe of the country further fouth. Winrfafim, means 'the good fountain,'
It is needlefs to point out that his ad- or fpring; and Winrtafim-nt (or et) is
vocacy led him into ludicroufly wild 'at the good fpring.' The efficacy of
flatements. the water ' to cure barrennefs ' may have

2 There is no natural fpring of any been Morton's embellifhment, but not
kind at Mount Wollafton, though water improbably was an Indian belief."

is eafily obtained by digging. 4 Squantum, in Quincy.

230 New Englifh Canaan.

New Engl,
excels Ca-
naan infoun-

taines.

Mi Ike and
Ifony Jup-
plied.

A plain pa-
ralell to Ca-
naan.

The Salvages, that are Powahs, at fet times ufe it, and re-
veale ftrang things to the vulgar people by meanes of it. So
that in the delicacy of waters, and the conveniency of them,
Canaan came not neere this Country.

As for the Milke and Hony, which that Canaan flowed
with, it is fupplyed by the plenty of birds, beafts and Fifli ;
whereof Canaan could not boaft her felfe.

Yet never the leffe, (fince the Milke came by the induftry
of the firft Inhabitants,) let the cattell be cherefhed that are
at this time in New England, and forborne but a litle, I will
afke no long time, no more but untill the Brethren have con-
verted one Salvage and made him a good Chriflian, and I
may be bold to fay Butter and cheefe will be cheaper there
then ever it was in Canaan. It is cheaper there then in old
England at this prefent ; for there are flore of Cowes,
confidering the people, which, (as my intelligence gives,) is
1 2000.1 perfons : and in gods name let the people have
their defire, who write to their freinds to come out of
Sodome to the land of Canaan, a land that flowes with
Milke and Hony. And

1 This is a grofs exaggeration. Thom-
as Wiggin, in November, 1622, wrote:
" For the plantation in Mattachufetts,
the Englifh there being about 2000 peo-
ple, yonge and old." (111. Majs. Hijl.
Coll., vol. viii. p. 322.) Writing on May
22, 1634, about the time Morton referred
to {Supra, 78), Governor Winthrop
fays : " For the number of our people,
we never took any furveigh of them,
nor doe we intend it, except inforced
throughe urgent occafion (David's ex-
ample ftickes fomewhat with us) but I
efleeme them to be in all about 4000 :

foules and upwarde." {Proc. Mafs.
Hijl. Soc, Dec. 14, 1882.) So in the
New England's Projpccl (p. 42), Wood
fpeaks of the population of Maflachu-
fetts as "foure thoufand foules." In
the fpring of 1634 there may have been
five hundred perfons in the Plymouth
colony, and as many more in New Hamp-
fhire and Maine, making a total New
England population of five thoufand at
the time Morton was writing. When
the New Canaan was published, how-
ever, in 1637, the population undoubt-
edly was as large as 12,000.

New Englijli Canaan. 231

* And I appeale to any man of judgement, whether * 94 The Requcji
it be not a Land that for her excellent indowments of minaLn of

Nature may paffe for a plaine paralell to Canaan of Ifraell, ^a„fa
being in a more temporat Climat, this being in 40. Degrees
and that in 30.

Chap. IX.

A Perfpeclwe to view the Country by.

AS for the Soyle, I may be bould to commend the fertil- TheSoyie.
ity thereof, and preferre it before the Soyle of Eng-
land, (our Native Country) ; and I neede not to produce
more then one argument for proffe thereof, becaufe it is fo
infallible.

Hempe is a thing by Hufband men in generall ageed The grouth
upon to profper beft in the mod fertile Soyle : and experi- °~
ence hath taught this rule, that Hempe feede profpers fo
well in New England that it fhewteth up to be tenne foote
high and tenne foote and a halfe, which is twice fo high as
the ground in old England produceth it ; which argues New
England the more fertile of the two.1

As for the aire, I will produce but one proffe for the main- The aire.
tenance of the excellency thereof ; which is fo generall, as I
affure myfelfe it will fuffice.

No man living there was ever knowne to be troubled with ato cold

111 1 ' r ^ cough or

a cold, a cough, or a murre ; but many men, comming lick murre.

out

1 Supra, 187, note 4.

232

New Englifh Canaan.

The plenty
of the Land.

Windes.

out of Virginea to New Canaan have inftantly recov-

* 95 ered with the helpe of the purity *of that aire;1 no

man ever furfeited himfelfe either by eating or drinking.

As for the plenty of that Land, it is well knowne that no
part of Afia, Affrica or Europe affordeth deare that doe
bring forth any more then one fingle faune ; and in New
Canaan the Deare are accuftomed to bring forth 2. and 3.
faunes at a time.2

Befides, there are fuch infinite flocks of Fowle and Multi-
tudes of fifh, both in the frefh waters and alfo on the Coaft,
that the like hath not elfe where bin difcovered by any
traveller.

The windes there are not fo violent as in England ; which
is prooved by the trees that grow in the face of the winde by
the Sea Coaft ; for there they doe not leane from the winde
as they doe in England : as we have heard before.3 T,

1 This aftounding proposition was in
the early days of the fettlement not pe-
culiar to Morton. Higginfon, in his
New Englands Plantation, fpeaks of
the " extraordinary clear and dry air,
that is of a moft healing nature to all
fuch as are of a cold, melancholy, phleg-
matic, rheumatic temper of body," and
concludes what he has to fay on the
fubjefl with his often-quoted fentiment
that "a fup of New-England's air is
better than a whole draught of Old
England's ale." (Young's Chron. of
Afafs., pp. 251-2.) Williams, too, fays
in his Key (ch. xiii.) : "The Nor-
Wefl wind (which occafioneth New-
England cold) comes over the cold
frozen Land, and over many millions
of Loads of Snow : and yet the pure
wholefomneffe of the Aire is wonder-
full, and the warmth of the Sunne, fuch
in the (harped weather, that I have
often feen the Natives Children runne

about ftarke naked in the coldeft
dayes." Again, in the pamphlet en-
titled New England'' 's Firfl Fruits,
printed in London in 1643, it was ftated,
in reply to the objection of extreme win-
ter cold, that "the cold there is no im-
pediment to health, but very wholfome
for our bodies, infomuch that all forts
generally, weake and ftrong, had fcarce
ever fuch meafure of health in all their
lives as there. . . . Men are feldome
troubled in winter with coughes and
Rheumes." (1. Afafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. i.
p. 249.) Joffelyn, however, writing
nearly thirty years later, remarks :
" Some of our New-England writers
affirm that the EnglifJi are never, or
very rarely, heard to fneeze or cough,
as ordinarily they do in England, which
is not true." {Two Voyages, p. 184.)

2 Supra, 201, note 2.

8 Supra, *iy.

New EnglifJi Canaan. 233

The Raine is there more moderate then in England ; name.
which thing I have noted in all the time of my refidence to
be fo.

The Coafl is low Land, and not high Land : and hee is of The Coaji.
a weake capacity that conceaveth otherwife of it, becaufe it
cannot be denied but that boats may come a ground in all
places along the Coaft, and efpecially within the Compas of
the Maffachufets patent, where the profpe6t is fixed.1

The Harboures are not to be bettered for fafety and Harboures.
goodneffe of ground, for ancorage, and, (which is worthy
obfervation,) fhipping will not there be furred ; neither are
they fubjecl; to wormes, as in Virginea and other places.

* Let the Scituation alfo of the Country be confid- * 96 situation.
ered, (together with the reft which is difcovered in the
front of this abftra6t,) and then I hope no man will hold this
land unworthy to be intituled by the name of the fecond
Canaan.

And, fince the Seperatifts are defirous to have the de- The Nomi-
nomination thereof, I am become an humble Suter on their
behalfe for your confents, (courteous Readers,) to it, before I
doe fliew you what Revels they have kept in New Canaan.2

Chapter X.

1 Wood in his Profpett (p. 2), refer- taking place. (Supra, 78.) Wood's
ring to the approach to Bofton Bay from Profpeft was publifhed in 1634, and the
Cape Anne, had faid : "The furrounding conftant references to it in the firft two
fhore being high, and mowing many books of the New Canaan fhow that
white Cliffes, in a moft pleafant prof- they were both written fubfequent to its
pe<5t." publication, probably during that year.

2 The Second Book of the New Ca- In the Third Book there are no allu-
naan, it would feem, originally ended fions to the Pro/peel, and the reference
with this chapter. The next chapter to the Third Book in the Second
was an afterthought of the author, writ- (Supra, *5i), to which attention has
ten before December, 1635, as is evident already been called, fhow that it mult
from the allufions in it to events then have been written before the others,

and

34 New Englifh Canaan.

Chap. X .

Of the Great Lake of Erocoife in New England, and
the commodities thereof.

WEfhwards from the Maffachufetts bay, (which lyeth in
42. Degrees and 30. Minutes of Northerne latitude,)
is fcituated a very fpacious Lake, (called of the Natives the
Lake of Erocoife,1) which is farre more excellent then the
Lake of Genezereth, in the Country of Paleftina, both in
refpecl of the greatnes and properties thereof, and likewife
of the manifould commodities it yealdeth : the circumference
of which Lake is reputed to be 240. miles at the leaft : and
it is diftant from the Maffachuffetts bay 300. miles, or there
Fmvie innu- abouts : 2 wherein are very many faire Iflands, where innumer-
able flocks of feverall forts of Fowle doe breede, Swannes,
Geefe, Ducks, Widgines, Teales, and other water Fowle.

There

and probably during the year 1633. p. 316.) On fome of the early maps it

It would feem to have been completed is put down 'Lake Champlain or Iro-

in May, 1634. There is, however, alfo coife.' It is fo called in Purchas's

a reference to be found in the Third Pilgrims (vol. iv. p. 1643). The region

Book to the Second {Infra, *i 20), but about the lake was fometimes called

it was probably interpolated during a Irocofia. The Iroquois lived on the

revifal of the manufcript. fouth of the lake, and, as their enemies

1 Now Lake Champlain. " By the on the north approached them through

Indians north of the St. Lawrence and this lake, they naturally called it the

the Lakes, it was called the Lake of the Lake of the Iroquois." {MS. letter of

Iroquois, as likewife the River Riche- Rev. E. F. Staffer.)
lieu, connecting it and the River St. 2 The meafurement and diftance here

Lawrence, they called the River of the given are very nearly correct. Lake

Iroquois. Champlain difcovered the Champlain is 126 miles long by about

lake in 1609, and gave it his own name. 14 in width at its broadeft part. Bur-

( Voyages, Prince Soc. ed., vol. ii. pp. lington is not far from 240 miles from

210-20; Parkman's Pioneers of France, Bofton.

New Englifli Canaan. 235

* There are alfo more abundance of Beavers, Deare * 97
and Turkies breed about the parts of that lake then in
any place in all the Country of New England ; and alfo fuch Multitudes of
multitudes of fifli, (which is a great part of the foode that the FiJlu
Beavers live upon,) that it is a thing to be admired at : So
that about this Lake is the principalis place for a plantation The prime
in all New Canaan, both for pleafure and proffit. cSam.

Here may very many brave Townes and Citties be erected,
which may have intercourfe one with another by water, very
commodioufly : and it is of many men of good judgement
accounted the prime feate for the Metropolis of New Ca-
naan.1 From this Lake, Northwards, is derived the famous
River of Canada, (fo named of Monfier de Cane,2 a French Canada, fo
Lord that firft planted a Colony of French in America, "/Z%rde
there called Nova Francia,) from whence Captaine Kerke 3 Ca
of late, by taking that plantation, brought home in one

fhipp,

1 In regard to the imaginary attrac- of "the River Canada, (fo called from
tions and advantages of Laconia and Monfieur Cane)?'1

its great lake, fee Belknap's American 8 On the breaking out of the war be-

Biography, vol. i. p. 377. tween England and France in 1627,

2 The two brothers, William and under the influence of Buckingham,
Emery de Caen, became prominent in Sir William Alexander had been inftru-
the hiftory of Canadian fettlement in mental in organizing an expedition to
162 1, and remained fo for a number of feize the French poffeffions in America,
years. They did not, however, plant At its head were three Huguenots of
a colony of French in America, nor was Dieppe, — David, Louis and Thomas
the name of Canada, or of its famous Kirk, brothers. The expedition was
river, derived from their name. On fuccefsful, and on the 20th of July, 1629,
this point fee Parkman's Pioneers of Champlain furrendered Quebec to Louis
France, pp. 184, note, and 391-5. Mor- Kirk. Daniel Kirk, the admiral of
ton's derivation of the name Canada is the expedition, returned to England in
entitled to much the fame weight as his November of the fame year ; but his
derivation of the names Pantucket and brother Thomas remained in Canada
Mattapan. {Supra, 124.) It was not, and held Quebec as an Englifh conqueft
however, peculiar to him as, forty years until July, 1632, when, in accordance
later, Joffelyn alfo fpeaks {Rarities, p. 5) with the conditions of the peace of April

14,

236 New Engli/Ii Canaan.

Patomack.

Great heards
of Beajts as
bigg as Cowes.

fhipp, (as a Seaman of his Company reported in my hearing,)
25000. Beaver fkinnes.1

And from this Lake, Southwards, trends that goodly
River, called of the Natives Patomack, which difchardseth
herfelfe in the parts of Virginea ; from whence it is naviga-
ble by fhipping of great Burthen up to the Falls, (which
lieth in 41. Degrees and a halfe of North latitude,) and
from the Lake downe to the Falls by a faire current. This
River is navigable for veffels of good Burthen ; and thus
much hath often bin related by the Natives, and is of late

found to be certaine.2
* 98 : They have alfo made defcription of great heards

of well growne beafts, that live about the parts of this

Lake,

14, 1629, it was reftored to France.
See Kirke's Firjl EngliJJi Conqneft of
Canada, pp. 63-93 ; Parkman's Pioneers
of France, pp. 401 -11 ; alfo Mr. Dearie's
note in Proc. Mafs. Hifl, Soc. for 1875
-6, pp. 376-7.

1 The number of beaver-fkins really
carried to England by Kirk was feven
thoufand. (Kirke's Firfl Englifh Con-
qncft of Canada, p. 85.)

2 It is unneceffary to fay that Morton
was here writing at random. He con-
founds the Potomac with the Hudfon,
though, a few paragraphs further on
{Infra, *99), he ftates the facts in regard
to the latter river correctly; and the
latitude he gives has no fignificance, be-
ing that of Poughkeepfie, on the Hudfon,
and Cleveland, on Lake Erie. The Poto-
mac nowhere flows fo far north as 400.
The falls referred to are probably
thofe of Niagara. They had not then
been difcovered (Parkman's Jefuits
in North America, p. 142), though
vague reports concerning them had
reached the French through the Indians,

and they are plainly indicated on Cham-
plain's map of 1629. (Voyages, Prince
Soc. ed., vol. i. p. 271, note.) Some
loofe ftories in regard to the rivers, falls,
lakes and iflands of the interior had
been picked up by Morton, probably in
his talks with feamen and others who
had taken part in Kirk's expedition.
He certainly fell in with thefe in Lon-
don, and it is more than likely that
at the houfe of Gorges he faw Cham-
plain's map of 1629; though upon that
the falls are placed at 43^ degrees of
latitude, inftead of at 41^. In 1634 there
was no other map. On the ftrength of
the information thus gathered, he made
the ftatements contained in this chap-
ter. The little he knew had been
obtained in England, after his return
there in 1631 ; for the Maffachufetts In-
dians can hardly have known much of
the remote interior, and in 1630 no at-
tempts even at exploration away from
the feafhore had been made by the fhrag-
gling occupants of the New England
coaft.

New Engli/Ii Canaan, 237

Lake, fuch as the Chriftian world, (untill this difcovery,)
hath not bin made acquainted with. Thefe beafts are of the
bigneffe of a Cowe ; their Flefh being very good foode, their
hides good lether, their fleeces very ufefull, being a kinde
of wolle as fine almoft as the wolle of the Beaver ; and the
Salvages doe make garments thereof.

It is tenne yeares fince firft the relation of thefe things
came to the eares of the Englifh : at which time wee were
but (lender proficients in the language of the Natives, and
they, (which now have attained to more perfection of Eng-
lifh,) could not then make us rightly apprehend their
meaninge.1

Wee fuppofed, when they fpake of Beafts thereabouts as
high as men, they have made report of men all over hairy
like Beavers, in fo much as we queftioned them whether
they eate of the Beavers, to which they replyed Matta,2 (noe)
faying they were almoft Beavers Brothers. This relation at
that time wee concluded to be fruitles, which, fince, time
hath made more apparent.

About the parts of this Lake may be made a very greate
Commodity by the trade of furres, to inrich thofe that fhall
plant there ; a more compleat difcovery of thofe parts is, (to
my knowleadge,) undertaken by Henry Iofeline,3 Efquier,

fonne

1 The ftories here referred to prob- ly fignifies no-thing {Key, 182). Matta,
ably came from the Indians of Connec- as Morton gives it, is the fimple negative,
ticut and Maine, and referred to the 3 Henry Joffelyn was a brother of
rivers and lakes of New England, but John Joffelyn, author of ATew Englands
were afterwards fuppofed to have had a Rarities and the Two Voyages to New
wider fignificance. England, frequently quoted in the notes

2 Williams {Key, 64) gives Machdug to this edition of the New Canaan. He
as the Indian word for ATo, but it real- came out from England in the intereft

238 New Englifh Canaan.

forme of Sir Thomas Iofeline of Kent, Knight, by the appro-
bation and appointement of that Heroick and very good
Henry iofe- Common wealths man, Captaine Iohn Mafon,1 Efquier,

for di}twery. * 99 a * true fofter Father and lover of vertue, (who at his

owne chardge,) hath fitted Matter Iofeline and im-
ployed him to that purpofe; who no doubt will performe as
much as is expected, if the Dutch, (by gettinge into thofe
parts before him,) doe not fruftrate his fo hopefull and
laudable defignes.

It is well knovvne they aime at that place, and have a pof-
fibility to attaine unto the end of their defires therein, by
meanes of the River of Mohegan, which of the Englifh is
named Hudfons River, where the Dutch have fetled two
well fortified plantations already. If that River be derived
from the Lake, as our Country man in his profpecl; 2 affirmes

of Mafon, as ftated in the text, in 1634, preparing a life of Mafon, which would

and paffed the remainder of his life in unqueftionably have been a valuable

Maine, living at Black Point in the town addition to the hiftory of the fettlement

of Scarborough. He died in 1683. He of New England. The material he had

was deputy-governor of the province, collected is now in the poffeffion of his

and one of the moft active and influen- family. In regard to the Laconia Com-

tial men in it, holding, through all pany and its projects, fee Belknap's

changes of proprietorfhip and govern- American Biography, under the title

ment, the moft important offices. See Gorges, and Mr. Deane's note in the

Mr. Tuckerman's Introduction to the Proc. Mafs. Hifl. Soc, 1875-6, pp.

New Englands Rarities ; HiJl.oJ Cum- 376-80.

berland County, Maine, p. 362. 2 Wood's ftatement here referred to

1 Of Captain John Mafon of New is found on the firft page of the Prof-

Hampfhire and the Laconia enterprife, peel, and is as follows : " The Place

it is not neceflary to fpeak at length in whereon the Englifh have built their

this connection. Mafon was the moft Colonies, is judged by thofe who have

prominent character in the early hiftory belt (kill in difcovery, either to bee an

of New Hampfhire, and the lofs which Ifland, furrounded on the North fide

his death, in December 1635, entailed with the fpacious River Cannada, and

on the projects of Gorges and Morton on the South with Hudfons River, or

has already been referred to (Supra, 76). elfe a Peninfula, thefe two Rivers over-

The late Charles W. Tuttle, of Bofton lapping one another, having their rife

was at the time of his death engaged in from the great Lakes which are not farre

off

New Engli/Ji Canaan. 239

it to be, and if they get and fortifie this place alfo, they will
gleane away the belt of the Beaver both from the French
and the Englifh, who have hitherto lived wholely by it ; and
very many old planters have gained good eftates out of fmall
beginnings by meanes thereof.

And it is well knowne to fome of our Nation that have The Dutch
lived in the Dutch plantation that the Dutch have gained trade^/Bel-
by Beaver 20000. pound a yeare.1 >l/^£f

The Salvages make report of 3. great Rivers that iffue
out of this Lake, 2. of which are to us knowne, the one to
be Patomack, the other Canada : and why may not the
third be found there likewife, which they defcribe to trend
weftward, which is conceaved to difcharge herfelfe into the
South Sea ? The Salvages affirme that they have feene
fhipps in this Lake with 4. Mafts, which have taken from
thence for their ladinge earth, that is conjectured to be
fome minerall ftuffe.

* There is probability enough for this; and it may * 100
well be thought that fo great a confluxe of waters as are
there gathered together, muft be vented by fome great Riv-
ers ; and that if the third River, (which they have made men-
tion of,) proove to be true, as the other two have done, there Thepaffage
is no doubt but that the paffage to the Eaft India may be /Jjf£s£ay'
obtained without any fuch daingerous and fruitleffe inquefl
by the Norweft, as hetherto hath bin endeavoured : And
there is no Traveller of any refonable capacity but will

graunt

off one another, as the Indians doe cer- ported from the New Netherlands,

tainly informe us." valued at about £1 2,000. (O'Calla-

1 In 1631 no lefs than 15,174 fkins, ghan's New Nethcrland, \>. 139.)
the greater portion beaver, were ex-

Delta in JE-

gypt-

240 New Englifli Canaan.

graunt that about this Lake mull be innumerable fpringes,
and by that meanes many fruitfull and pleafant paftures all
about it. It hath bin obferved that the inland part, (witnes
Neepnet,1) are more pleafant and fertile then the borders of
The country the Sea coafte. And the Country about Erocoife is, (not
/eftl/7as as without good caufe,) compared to Delta, the moft fertile
parte in all /Egypt, that aboundeth with Rivers and Rivalets
derived from Nilus fruitfull channell, like vaines from the
liver ; fo in each refpect is this famous Lake of Erocoife.

And, therefore, it would be adjudged an irreparable over-
fight to protract time, and fuffer the Dutch, (who are but
intruders upon his Majefties moft hopefull Country of New
England,) to poffeffe themfelves of that fo plefant and
commodious Country of Erocoife before us : being, (as ap-
peareth,) the principall part of all New Canaan for planta-
tion, and not elfewhere to be paralelld in all the knowne

world.

NEW

1 The Nipmucks, or Nipnets, inhab- {Hiji. of Worcejler County, vol. i. p.
ited the prefent county of Worcefter. 8.)

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 241

* 101

|£j

NEW CANAANS GENIVS.
EPILOGVS.

Hou that art by Fates degree,
Or Providence, ordain d to fee
Natures wonder, her richjlore
Ne-r difcovered before,
TJi admired Lake of Erocoife
And fertile Borders, now rejoyce.
See what multitudes of fifli
Shee prefents to fitt thy difli.
If rich furres thou dofl adore,
And of Beaver Fleeces flore,
See the Lake where they abound,
And what pleafures els are found.
There chajl Leda, free from fire,
Does enjoy her hearts defire ;
Mongjl theflowry bancks at eafe
Live the fporting Najades,
Bigg limd Druides, whofe browes
Bewtified with greenebowes.
See the Nimphes, how they doe make
Fine Meanders from the Lake,
Twining in and out, as they
Through the p leaf ant groves make way,

Weaving

242 New Engli/Ji Canaan.

Weaving by thejliady trees
Curious Aua/lomafesy
* 102 * Where the harmeles Turtles breede,

And fuck ufefull Bcajis doe feede
As no Traveller can tell
Els where how to paralell.
Colcos golden Fleece rejecl ;
This defervcth bejl refpecl.
In fweete Peans let thy voyce,
Sing the praife of Erocoife,
Peans to advaunce her name,
New Canaans everlajling fame.

io3

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,

OR NEW CANAAN.

The Third Booke.

Containing a defcription of the People that are
planted there, what remarkable Accidents have
happened there fince they were fetled, what
Tenents they hould, together with the practife
of their Church.

Chap. I .

Of a great League made with the Plimmouth Planters after
their arrivall, by the Sachem of thofe Territories}

He Sachem of the Territories where the

Planters of New England are fetled, that are
the firft of the now Inhabitants of New Canaan,
not knowing what they were, or whether
they would be freindes or foes, and * being

defirous

104

1 This is a confufed, rambling ac- which took place during the firft year
count of the familiar Indian incidents after the landing at Plymouth. There

244 New Englifli Canaan.

A Salvage
fent an Am-
bajfador to
the EtigliJJi
at their firjl-
comminge.

defirous to purchafe their freindfhip that hee might
have the better Affurance of quiet tradinge with them,
(which hee conceived would be very advantagious to him,)
was defirous to prepare an ambaffador, with commiffion to
treat on his behalfe, to that purpofe ; and having one that
had beene in England (taken by a worthleffe man * out of
other partes, and after left there by accident,) this Salvage 2
hee inftrucled how to behave himfelfe in the treaty of
peace ; and the more to give him incouragement to adven-
ture his perfon amongft thefe new come inhabitants, which
was a thinge hee durfh not himfelfe attempt without fecurity
or hoftage, promifed that Salvage freedome, who had beene
detained there as theire Captive : which offer hee accepted,
and accordingly came to the Planters, falutinge them with
wellcome in the Englifli phrafe, which was of them admired
to heare a Salvage there fpeake in their owne language, and
ufed him great courtefie : to whome hee declared the caufe
of his comminge, and contrived the bufineffe fo that hee
brought the Sachem and the Englifli together, betweene
whome was a firme league concluded, which yet continueth.

After

is nothing of hiftorical value in it, and
nothing which has not been more ac-
curately and better told by Bradford,
Winflow, Mourt and Smith.

1 Captain Thomas Hunt, who com-
manded one of the veffels of Smith's
fquadron, in his voyage of 1614. (Brad-
ford, p. 95.)

2 Morton, in this chapter, confounds
Samofet with Squanto. It was Squanto
who was kidnapped by Hunt and had
been in England, but it was Samofet who
walked into the Plymouth fettlement,
on the 26th of March [n. s.], 1621,

and faluted the planters with "well-
come in the Englifli phrafe." Squanto
was a native of Plymouth, but Samo-
fet belonged at Pemaquid, in Maine.
(Mourt, Dexter's ed., note 295, p. 83.)
Hence Morton fpeaks of his having
been detained by Maffafoit as a captive.
He apparently came to Maffachufetts the
year before on Captain Dermer's veffel,
in company with Squanto. Dr. Dexter
.is ferioufly in error in his account of
Squanto in note 315 of his edition of
Mourt. Squanto could not have been
one of the Weymouth captives of 1605.

New Rnglifli Canaan, 245

After which league the Sachem, being in company with the

other whome hee had freed and fuffered to live with the

Englifh, efpijnge a place where a hole had been made in

the grounde, where was their ftore of powder layed to be

preferved from danger of fire, (under ground,) demaunded of

the Salvage what the Englifh had hid there under ground ;

who anfwered the plague;1 at which hee ftarteled, TheSackem

becaufe of the great mortality lately * happened by * 105 pYJgut!*

meanes of the plague,2 (as it is conceaved,) and the

Salvage, the more to encreafe his feare, told the Sachem

if he fhould give offence to the Englifh party they would

let out the plague to defhroy them all, which kept him in

great awe. Not longe after, being at varience with another

Sachem borderinge upon his Territories, he came in fol-

emne manner and intreated the governour that he would

let out the plague to deftroy the Sachem and his men who

were his enemies, promifing that he himfelfe and all his

pofterity would be their everlalting freindes, fo great an

opinion he had of the Englifh.

C HAP. I I .

Of the entertainement of Mr. Weftons people fent to fettle a

plantation there.

After Thomas Wefton,3 a Merchant of London that
had been at fome coft to further the Brethren of new

Plimmouth

1 This is the familiar anecdote of 2 Seefupra, 133, note.
Squanto. (Bradford, p. 113 ; Young's 8 The molt conneaed account of
Chron. 0/ Pilg., p. 292.) Thomas Wefton and his abortive plan-

tation

246 New Englifk Canaan.

Plimmouth in their defignes for thefe partes, fhipped a com-
pany of Servants, fitted with provition of all forts, for the
undertaking of a Plantation to be fetled there ; with an
intent to follow after them in perfon. Thefe fervants at firfl
court holy arived at new Plimmouth, where they were entertained with
piimmoutk. court holy bread by the Brethren : they were made very
wellcome, in fhew at leaft : there thefe fervants goodes were
landed, with promifes to be affifted in the choife of a con-
venient place ; and flill the good cheare went forward, and
the ftrong liquors walked. In the meane time the Brethren
were in confultation what was belt for their advantage, ring-
ing the fonge, Frujira fapit, qui Jibi non fapit.
* 106 * This plantation would hinder the prefent practice
and future profit ; and Mafter Wefton, an able man,
would want for no fupplies upon the returne of Beaver, and
fo might be a plantation that might keepe them under, who
had a Hope to be the greateft : befides his people were no
chofen Seperatifls, but men made choice of at all adven-
tures, fit to have ferved for the furtherance of Mafter Wef-
tons undertakinges : and that was as much as hee neede to
care for : ayminge at Beaver principally for the better effect-
ing of his purpofe. Now when the Plimmouth men began
to finde that Mafter Weftons mens ftore of provition grew
fhort with feafting, then they hafted them to a place called
Weffagufcus, in a weake cafe, and there left them failing.

Chapter III.

tation at Weffaguffet, already referred 22. Winflow in Young's Chron.of Pilgp

to (Supra, 2), is that contained in Ad- Bradford, and Phinehas Pratt (IV. Mafs.

ams's Addrefs on the 250//* Anniverfary Hijl. Coll., vol. iv.) are the original au-

of the Settlement of Weymouth, pp. 5- thorities.

New Englifh Canaan. 247

Chap. III.

Of a Battle fought at the Maffachuffets, betweene the EngliJJi

and the French}

THe Planters of Plimmouth, at their laft being in thofe
parts, having defaced the monument of the ded at Pa-
fonageflit, (by taking away the herfe Cloath, which was two
greate Beares fkinnes fowed together at full length, and
propped up over the grave of Chuatawbacks mother,2) the
Sachem of thofe territories, being inraged at the fame,
ftirred up his men in his bee halfe to take revenge : and,
having gathered his men together, hee begins to make an The Sachems
oration in this manner. When laft the glorious light
of all the * fkey was underneath this globe, and Birds * 107
grew filent, I began to fettle, (as my cuftome is,) to
take repofe ; before mine eies were faft clofed, mee thought Afpirit

t morning the
•*• Sachem to

1 This is a wholly confufed and mif- vifit to thofe parts, prior to the " battle
leading account of the fkirmifh which fpoken of in this chapter, was in No-
took place between the Plymouth party, vember, 1622 (Young's Chron. of Pilg.
under command of Miles Standifh, and p. 302), when they got little in the way
the MafTachufetts Indians living near of fupplies, and heard nothing but com-
Weffaguflet, immediately after the kill- plaints from the Indians of Wefton's peo-
ing of Peckfuot and Wituwamat, in pie, who had then been feveral months
March, 1623. The correct account of at Weffaguffet. It is far more proba-
the affair is in Young's Chron. of Pilg., ble that thefe latter ftripped the grave
p. 341. Why Morton fpeaks of it as at Paffonagefht. In any event there can
a battle between the Englifh and the be little doubt that Morton himfelf had
French is inexplicable. vifited the fpot while taking his " furvey

2 Seefufira, pp. 11. 162, 170. The of the country" during the previous
Plymouth people may have defpoiled fummer (Supra, 6), and it is quite clear
the grave of Chickatawbut's mother of that the defpoiling- the grave had no con-
its bear-fkins during fome one of their ne<5lion with the fubfequent " battle," in
earlier vifits to Bofton Bay. Their laft which Chickatawbut took no part.

248

New Englijli Canaan.

The grand
Captaine

makes a
fpeech.

The maine
Battaile.

I faw a vifion, (at which my fpirit was much troubled,) and,
trembling at that dolefull fight, a fpirit cried aloude behold,
my fonne, whom I have cherifht, fee the papps that gave
thee fuck, the hands that lappd thee warme and fed thee
oft, canft thou forget to take revenge of thofe uild people
that hath my monument defaced in defpitefull manner, dif-
daining our ancient antiquities and honourable Cuftomes ?
See now the Sachems grave lies like unto the common peo-
ple of ignoble race, defaced ; thy mother doth complaine,
implores thy aide againft this theevifh people new come
hether; if this be fuffered I fhall not reft in quiet within
my everlafting habitation. This faid, the fpirit vanifhed ;
and I, all in a fweat, not able fcarce to fpeake, began to
gett fome ftrength, and recollect my fpirits that were fled :
all which I thought to let you underftand, to have your
Councell, and your aide likewife ; this being fpoken, ftraight
way arofe the grand Captaine and cried aloud, come, let us
to Armes, it doth concerne us all, let us bid them Battaile ;
fo to Armes they went, and laid weight for the Plimmouth
boate ; and, forceinge them to forfake their landinge place,
they feeke another befl for their convenience ; thither the
Salvages repaire, in hope to have the like fucceffe ; but all
in vaine, for the Englifh Captaine warily forefaw, and, per-
ceavinge their plot, knew the better how to order his men

fit for Battaile in that place ; hee, bouldly leading his
* 108 men on, rainged about the feild to and fro* and,

taking his beft advantage, lets fly, and makes the
Salvages give ground : the Englifh followed them fiercely
on, and made them take trees for their flielter, (as their
cuflome is,) from whence their Captaine let flie a maine ; yet

New Englifli Canaan, 249

no man was hurt ; at laft, lifting up his right arm to draw

a fatall fhaft, (as hee then thought to end this difference),

received a fhott upon his elbow,1 and ftraight way fled;

by whofe example all the army followed the fame way,

and yealded up the honor of the day to the Englifli party; TkefeUd

who were fuch a terror to them after that the Salvages durft wEZgu$. *

never make to a head againft them any more.

Chap. IV.

Of a Parliament held at WeJJagufcus, and the Acles.

M After Weftons Plantation beinge fetled at Weffagufcus,
his Servants, many of them lazy perfons that would Some lazy
ufe no endeavour to take the benefit of the Country, fome
of them fell ficke and died.

One amongft the reft, an able bodied man that ranged a tujiy
the woodes to fee what it would afford, lighted by accident -^ ow'
on an Indian barne, and from thence did take a capp full of
corne ; the Salvage owner of it, finding by the foote fome
Englifli had bin there, came to the Plantation, and made
complaint after this manner.

* The cheife Commander of the Company one this * 109 Apoorecom-
occation called a Parliament of all his people, but Edward

thofe that were ficke and ill at eafe. And wifely now they 5«^/*^.

muff. Ma*de a

hainous fa<fl.

1 " Infomuch as our men could have who, together with another both dif-

but one certain mark, and then but the charged at once at him, and brake his

arm and half face of a notable villain, as arm." (Young's Chron. ofPilg., p. 341-)
he drew [his bow] at Captain Standifh ;

250 New Englifh Canaan,

muft confult upon this huge complaint, that a privy knife or
ftringe of beades would well enough have qualified ; and
Edward Iohnson was a fpetiall judge of this bufinefle; the
facl was there in repetition ; conftruclion made that it was
fellony, and by the Lawes of England punifhed with death ;
and this in execution muft be put for an example, and like-
wife to appeafe the Salvage : when ftraight wayes one arofe,
mooved as it were with fome companion, and faid hee could
not well gaine fay the former fentence, yet hee had con-
ceaved within the compaffe of his braine an Embrion that
was of fpetiall confequence to be delivered and cherifhed ;
hee faid that it would moft aptly ferve to pacifie the Salv-
ages complaint, and fave the life of one that might, (if neede
mould be,) (land them in fome good fteede, being younge
and ftronge, fit for refinance againft an enemy, which might
come unexfpecled for any thinge they knew. The Oration
made was liked of every one, and hee intreated to proceede
to (hew the meanes how this may be performed : fayes hee,
a fine device, you all agree that one muft die, and one mall die; this
younge mans cloathes we will take of, and put upon one
that is old and impotent, a fickly perfon that cannot efcape
death, fuch is the difeafe one him confirmed that die hee
muft; put the younge mans cloathes on this man, and let
the fick perfon be hanged in the others fteede : Amen fayes

one ; and fo fayes many more.
*no * And this had like to have prooved their finall

fentence, and, being there confirmed by Acl of Par-
liament, to after ages for a Prefident : But that one with a
ravenus voyce begunne to croake and bellow for revenge ;
and put by that conclufive motion, alledging fuch deceipts

might

A wife Sen
fence.

To hange a
fick man in
the others
Jleede.

New Englifh Canaan.

2sl

might be a meanes hereafter to exafperate the mindes of
the complaininge Salvages, and that by his death the Salv-
ages mould fee their zeale to Iuftice ; and therefore hee very fit
mould die : this was concluded ; yet nevertheleffe a fcruple IuJltce'
was made ; now to countermaund this act, did reprefent
itfelfe unto their mindes, which was, how they mould doe to
get the mans good wil ? this was indeede a fpetiall obftacle :
for without that, they all agreed it would be dangerous for a dangerous
any man to attempt the execution of it, left mifcheife mould am**m
befall them every man ; hee was a perfon that in his wrath
did feeme to be a fecond Sampfon, able to beate out their
branes with the jawbone of an Affe : therefore they called le/Hng
the man, and by perfwation got him faft bound in jeft ; and SS/*
then hanged him up hard by in good earneft,1 who with a

weapon,

1 This is the famous Weffaguffet
hanging which Butler introduced into
his poem of Hudibras (Canto II. lines
409-36), in the paffage already referred
to {Supra, 96). It is as follows : —

" Our Brethren of New-England ufe
Choice malefactors to excufe,
And hang the Guiltlefs in their flead,
Of whom the Churches have lefs need ;
As lately 't happen'd : In a town
There liv'd a Cobler, and but one,
That out of Doclrine could cut Ufe,
And mend men's lives as well as fhoes.
This precious Brother having (lain,
In times of peace an Indian,
(Not out of malice, but mere zeal,
Becaufe he was an Infidel),
The mighty Tottipottymoy
Sent to our Elders an envoy,
Complaining ibrely of the breach
Of league held forth by Brother Patch,
Againit the articles in force
Between both churches, his and ours,

For which he craved the Saints to render
Into his hands, or hang th' offender;
But they maturely having weigh'd
They had no more but him o' th' trade,
(A man that ferved them in a double
Capacity, to teach and cobble),
Refolv'd to fpare him ; yet to do
The Indian Hoghan Moghan too
Impartial juflice, in his ftead did
Hang an old Weaver that was bed rid."

That a man was hung at WefTaguffet,
in March 1623, for ftealing corn from
the Indians, there can be no doubt.
There is equally little doubt that it was
the real thief who was hung. (Pratt's
Relation, iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. iv.
p. 491 ; Young's Chron. of Pilg., p. 332 ;
Bradford, p. 130.) I have already {Su-
pra, 96) given my own theory as to how
the incident came to take the fhape it
did in Butler's poem. He wrote, I
think, from a vague recollection of an

amufing

252 New Englifli Canaan,

weapon, and at liberty, would have put all thofe wife judges

of this Parliament to a pittifull non plus, (as it hath beene

credibly reported,) and made the cheife

Iudge of them all buckell to

him.

*Chap. V.

Of a Maffacre made upon the Salvages at Weffagufcus.

vages.

Fter the end of that Parliament, fome of the plantation
there, about three perfons,1 went to live with Checa-
Good quarters tawback and his company ; and had very good quarter, for all

with the Sal- . -,

the

ever, to have myfelf ever met this partic-
ular charge among the many and lingular
charges, much more abfurd, which Eng-
lifli writers have from time to time grave-
ly advanced againft America. In Uring's
Voyages (p. 116-8) there is a lingular
account of a fimilar vicarious execution,
which never could have met the eye of
the author of Hudibras, inafmuch as it
was not publifhed until 1726; but it
fhows that either fome fuch event did
take place, or that its having taken
place was at one period a ftock travel-
ler's-tale.

1 Three of Wefton's company were
among the Maffachufetts Indians at the
time of the Weffaguffet killing ; one of
the three had before domefticated him-
felf with them ; the other two, difre-
garding Standifh's orders, had ftraggled
off, the day before the maffacre, to a
neighboring Indian village. After the
maffacre the favages put all three to
death by torture. (Pratt's Narrative,
iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. iv. p. 486 ;
Young's Chron. of Pilg., p. 344.)

amufing traveller's-ftory, which he had
heard told fomewhere years before.
There is no reafon to fuppofe that he
had ever feen the New Canaan.

It has always been affumed that But-
ler's verfion of the affair, — the vicari-
ous execution verfion, — coming out as
it did in 1664, at a period of violent
reaction againft Puritanifm, and when
the New England colonies were in ex-
treme popular disfavor, — obtained a
foothold in Englifh popular tradition ;
much fuch a foothold, in fact, as the
Connecticut Blue Laws. It was an in-
tangible fomething, always at hand to
be caft as a mocking reproach in the
face of a fanftimonious community. As
fuch it was fure to be refented and dif-
proved ; but never by any difproof could
it be exorcifed from the popular mind,
or finally fet at reft. This may have
been the cafe, and the references to the
matter in Hutchinfon (vol. i. p. 6, note),
in Hubbard (p. 77), and in Grahame
(Ed. 1845, vol. i. p. 202, note), certainly
look that way. I do not remember, how-

New Englijli Canaan. 253

the former quarrell with the Plimmouth planters : they are
not like Will Sommers,1 to take one for another. There
they purpofed to flay untill Mafler Weftons arrivall : but the
Plimmouth men, intendinge no good to him, (as appered by
the confequence,) came in the meane time to Weffagufcus, a piottfrom
and there pretended to feaft the Salvages of thofe partes, Plimnmuh-
bringing with them Porke and thinges for the purpofe,
which they fett before the Salvages. They eate thereof
without fufpition of any mifcheife, who were taken upon a
watchword given, and with their owne knives, (hanging salvages
about their neckes,) were by the Plimmouth planters ftabd fSZT
and flaine : one of which were hanged up there, after the weaPons-
flaughter.2

In the meane time the Sachem had knowledge of this acci- News car-
dent, by one that ranne to his Countrymen, at the Maffachuf-
fets, and gave them intelligence of the newes ; after which
time the Salvages there, confultinge of the matter, in the

night,

1 Will Sommers was the famous jeft- probably the one Morton had in mind,

er and court fool of Henry VIII. His Oates is reprefented as giving an earl,

witticifms are frequently met with in the the gueft of his patron, Sir William

plays and annals of the period ; and the Hollis, " a found box on the ear," for

portrait, faid to be by Holbein and of faluting Lady Hollis, and then excufed

him, looking through a window and tap- himfelf on the ground of " knowing not

ping on the glafs, was formerly a prom- your eare from your hand, being fo like

inent feature in the gallery at Hampton one another." (Doran's Court Fools,

Court. It is very queftionable, how- p. 182.) Remembering this ftory in the

ever, whether the ftory alluded to in Nejl of Ninnies, Morton, with his well-

the text belongs to Sommers. He developed faculty for getting everything

had been dead eighty years or more wrong, feems to have fathered it on the

when Morton wrote, and the ftories moft famous and popular of the occu-

connecled with him had been gotten pants of the Nefl.

together by Armin, and printed in his 2 For the detailed account of the Wef-

Nejl of Ninnies, in 1608. This book faguffet killing, fee Winflow's Relation

Morton had probably feen. In it there in Young's Chron. of Pilg., pp. 336-41 ;

is a ftory of another famous fool, Jack Adams's 250M Anniverfary of IVey-

Oates, of an earlier period, which is mouth, pp. 18-22.

254

New Englifh Canaan.

A revenge.

7 Vie Salvages
call the Eng-
UJJi cut-
throats.

night, (when the other Englifh feareles of danger were a
fleepe,) knockt them all in the head, in revenge of the
*ii2 death of their * Countrymen : but if the Plimmouth
Planters had really intended good to Mafter Wefton,
or thofe men, why had they not kept the Salvages alive in
Cuftody, untill they had fecured the other Englifh ? Who,
by meanes of this evill mannaginge of the bufmeffe, loft
their lives, and the whole plantation was diffolved there-
upon ; as was likely, for feare of a revenge to follow, as a
relatione to this cruell antecedent ; and when Mafter Wefton
came over hee found thinges at an evill exigent, by meanes
thereof : But could not tell how it was brought about.

The Salvages of the Maffachuffets, that could not imagine
from whence thefe men fhould come, or to what end, feeing
them performe fuch unexpected actions ; neither could tell
by what name properly to diftinguifh them ; did from that
time afterwards call the Englifh Planters Wotawquenange,1
which in their language fignifieth ftabbers, or Cutthroates :
and this name was received by thofe that came there after
for good, being then unacquainted with the fignification
of it, for many yeares following ; untill, from a Southerly
Indian that underftood Englifh well, I was by demonftration
made to conceave the interpretation of it, and rebucked thefe
other that it was not forborne : The other callinge us by
the name of Wotoquanfawge, what that doth fignifie, hee

faid,

■ a Mr. Trumbull, in a note (125) to Wil- watitacone-ndaog of Williams. This,
liams's Key (p. 59), explains a blunder Morton confounded with another name
here made by Morton. The correct for Englifhmen, chauquaqock, mean-
word is wotawquenauge. which means ing, "knife- [i.e., fword-] men," which
"coat-men," or men wearing clothes, the he underftood to mean " cut-throats."

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 255

faid, hee was not able by any demonftration to expreffe;

and my neighbours durft no more, in my hearinge, call us

by the name formerly ufed, for feare of my

difpleafure.

*Chap. VI. * 113

Of the furprizinge of a Merchants Shipp in Plimmouth

harbotir.

THis Merchant, a man of worth, arrivinge in the parts TheMer-
of New Canaan and findinge that his Plantation was sjJJgJT'
diffolved, fome of his men flaine, fome dead with licknes,
and the reft at Plimmouth, hee was perplexed in his minde
about the matter ; comminge as hee did with fupply, and
meanes to have rafed their fortunes and his one exceedingly :
and feeinge what had happened refolved to make fome flay
in the Plimmouth harbour.1 And this futed to their pur-
pofe ; wherefore the Brethren did congratulate with him

1 Wefton, in 1622, got into ferious a companion or two, in an open boat,
trouble with the Englifh government, in for Maffachufetts Bay. He was wrecked
regard to fome ordnance and military near the mouth of the Merrimac, and
(tores, which he had obtained a licenfe barely efcaped with his life. The fav-
to fend to New England, and had then ages there ftripped him to his fhirt, and
fold to the French, with whom the Eng- in this plight he reached Thomfon's
lifli were at war. (Bradford, p. 150.) He plantation at Pifcataqua. Thence he
feems to have been in hiding in confe- found his way to Plymouth, arriving
quence of this tranfaftion ; and early in there, not as Morton fays, " with fupply
1623 went on board of one of the fifh- and means to have raifed [his compa-
ing-veffels in the difguife of a black- ny's] fortunes," but in abfolute deftitu-
fmith, and came out in her to the fta- tion. Bradford's account of his recep-
tions on the Maine coaft. There he tion and of what enfued (pp. 133-4, 149
muft have learned of the extreme ftraits, -53) is very different from that given
if not of the abandonment, of his planta- in the text; and, it is hardly neceffary
tion at Weffaguffet, and he fet out, with to add, reads much more like the truth.

256

New Rngli/Ji Canaan.

A glojfe upon
the falfe text.

Where two
nations meet
one vuijl rule
the other
mujl be ru-
led or no
quietnes.

at his fafe arrivall, and their beft of entertainement for a
fwetning caft, deploring the difafter of his Plantation, and
lozing upon the text, alledging the mifcheivous intent of

the Salvages there, which by freindly intelligence of their
neighbours was difcovered before it came to be full fummed :
fo that they loft not all, allthough they faved not all : and
this they pretended to proceede from the Fountaine of love
and zeale to him and Chriftianity, and to chaftife the info-
lency of the Salvages, of which that part had fome danger-
ous perfons. And this, as an article of the new creede
of Canaan, would they have received of every new com-
mer there to inhabit, that the Salvages are a dangerous

people, fubtill, fecreat and mifcheivous ; and that it
114 is dangerous to live feperated, but * rather together:

and fo be under their Lee, that none might trade for
Beaver, but at their pleafure, as none doe or fhall doe there :
nay they will not be reduced to any other fong yet of the
Salvages to the fouthward of Plimmouth, becaufe they
would have none come there, fayinge that hee that will fit
downe there muff, come ftronge : but I have found the
Maffachuffets Indian more full of humanity then the Chrif-
tians ; and haue had much better quarter with them ; yet I
obferved not their humors, but they mine ; althoug my
great number that I landed were diffolved, and my Com-
pany as few as might be : x for I know that this falls out
infallibly where two Nations meete, one muft rule and the
other be ruled, before a peace can be hoped for : and for a
Chriftian to fubmit to the rule of a Salvage, you will fay,

1 Supra, 14.

New Englifli Canaan. 257

is both fhame and difhonor : at leaft it is my opinion, and

my practife was accordingly, and I have the better quarter

by the meanes thereof. The more Salvages the better

quarter, the more Chriftians the worfer quarter, I found ; as

all the indifferent minded Planters can teftifie. Now, whiles

the Merchant was ruminatinge on this mifhapp, the Plim-

mouth Planters perceivinge that hee had furnifhed himfelfe

with excellent Commodities, fit for the Merchandife of the a Mackivdi

Country, (and holding it good to fifli in trobled waters, and pc

fo get a fnatch unfeene,) praclifed in fecret with fome other

in the land, whom they thought apt to imbrace the benefit The Vaiie.

of fuch a cheat, and it was concluded and refolved upon that

all this ihipp and goodes fliould be confiscated, for bufi-

neffe done by him, the Lord knowes when, or where : 1

*a letter muft be framed to them, and handes unto * 115

it, to be there warrant ; this fliould fhadow them.

That

1 The incident here alluded to was veflel in the courfe of the following fum-
the feizure of the Swan, under a war- mer, and recovered poileffion of her.
rant ilTued by Captain Robert Gorges, He then began to trade along the coaft.
acting as Lieutenant of the Council for Meanwhile, in September, Captain Rob-
New England, in November, 1623. The ert Gorges arrived, and immediately fet
Swan was a fmall veffel of 30 tons out to look for Wefton, in order to call
meafurement, which Wefton had fent him to account for the ordnance tranf-
out with his expedition, in 1622. His aclions referred to in the preceding note,
plan was, when the larger veffel — the and alfo for the diforderly conduct of his
Charity, in which his company went people at Weffaguffet during the previ-
out — returned to England, to have the ous winter. Starting for the eafhvard,
Swan remain in New England, to be he was driven into Plymouth Harbor by
ufed for trading purpofes. Accordingly, heavy weather, and while he was lying
all through the winter of 1622-3, it had there the Swan made its appearance
been at Weffaguffet, except when em- with Wefton on board. Bradford's ac-
ployed by the people there in obtaining count of what enfued. including the feiz-
iupplies in connection with the Ply- ure of the veffel, differs toto ca>lo from
mouth people. When, in March, 1623, that in the text. He fays that Captain
Weffaguffet was abandoned, the com- Robert Gorges, acting as governor-
pany went in the Swan to the Maine general under his commiffion from the
liihing-ftations. Here Wefton found the Council for New England, at once organ-
ized

258 New Engli/Ji Canaan.

SJiipp and
goodes con-
Jifcated.

That is the firft praclife ; they will infane a man, and then
pretend that Iuftice muft be clone. They caufe the Mer-
chant (fecure) to come a fhore, and then take him in hold,
mewing they are compelled unto it legally, and enter ftrait
abord, perufe the Cargazowne, and then deliver up the
Charge of her to their Confederates : and how much leffe
this is then Piraty, let any practife in the Admiralty be
judge. The Merchant, his fhipp and goodes confiscated,
himfelfe a prifoner and threatned fo to be fent and conveyed
to England, there to receave the fomme of all that did
belonge to him a malefactor, (and a great one to) ; this hee,
good man, indured with patience longe time, untill the belt.

ized a fort of a court, —he, Bradford,
acting as an affiftant in it, — and proceed-
ed to arraign and try Wefton. As a refult
of the whole proceedings Gorges threat-
ened to fend Wefton under arreft back
to England. Through the interceffion of
Bradford, however, he was mollified,
and finally Wefton was releafed on his
own promife to appear when called for.
Gorges then went to Weffaguffet, leav-
ing Wefton with the Swan at Plymouth.
After a time Gorges feems to have con-
cluded that it would be very convenient
for him to have control of the Swan, at
any rate for that winter. Accordingly
he fent a warrant to Plymouth for its
feizure and the arreft of Wefton. Brad-
ford, not liking this proceeding, took
fome exception to the warrant, and re-
fufed to allow it to be ferved. At the
fame time it was intimated to Weflon
that he had better take himfelf and his
veffel off. This lie would not do. Ap-
parently his crew was mutinous and
unruly, their wages being long in ar-
rears, and the Swan deftitute of fup-
plies. He feems to have looked upon
arreft and feizure as (he beft way out of

his difficulties. Prefently a new warrant
came from Gorges, and both veffel and
prifoner were removed to Weffaguffet.
This was in November. There they
paffed the winter of [623-4. Towards
fpring Gorges went in the Swan to the
eaftward, Wefton accompanying him,
apparently as a pilot. The tidings re-
ceived there led the difappointed young
Lieutenant of the Council to decide on
immediately returning to England. Ac-
cordingly he came back to Weffaguffet,
and thence went probably to the fifhing-
ftations, very poffibly in the Swan.
Before leaving he effected fome fort of
a fettlement with Wefton, — Bradford
intimates much to the advantage of the
latter, — who was releafed from arreft,
had his veffel reftored to him, and was
compenfated for whatever lofs he had
fuftained. Wefton thereupon reappeared
at Plymouth, and thence went to Vir-
ginia. He feems to have traded along
the coaft for fome years, but finally
drifted back to England, where in 1645
he died, at Briftol, of the plague. (Brad-
ford, pp. 140-53. Young's Chron. of
Pilg., pp. 296-8, 302.)

New Englijli Canaan. 259

of all his goodes were quite difperfed, and every actor [had] when every
his proportion ; the Merchant was [then] inlarged ; his had hhjLre
fhipp, a burthen to the owner now, his undertakinges in #£**? e'
thefe partes beinge quite overthrowne, was redelivered, and asame-
bondes of him were taken not to profecute : hee, being Bonds taken
ereived hereat, betakes him to drive a trade betweene that %te.° *
and Virginea many yeares. The brethren, (fharpe witted,)
had it fpread by and by amongft his freinds in England, that Report Mr.

r- ill* r 1 ii* Wejion was

the man was mad. So thought his wife, fo thought his mad in A^ew

other freindes that had it from a Planter of the Towne. So 1

was it thought of thofe, that did not know the Brethren

could diffemble : why, thus they are all of them honeft men iionejimcn

in their particular, and every man, beinge bound to feeke Tar!1'

anothers good, fhall in the generall doe the beft hee

can to effect it, and fo they may be excufed I thinke.

*Chap. VII. *n6

Of Thomas Mortons entertainement at Plimmouth, and
caftinge away upon an I/land?

THis man arrived in thofe parts, and, hearing newes of a
Towne that was much praifed, he was delirous to goe

thither, and fee how thinges flood ; where his entertainement Brave enter-
tainement in

WaS a wildernes.

1 This chapter relates to incidents of of another. The only time when " 35

no apparent confequence, and of which ftout knaves " were landed, at all in the

there is no other record. It is not eafy way defcribed, at Plymouth, was in July,

even to fix the time at which they oc- 1622, when the Charity brought in there

curred, and it would feem as if Morton, Wefton's company. Yet Morton fpeaks

in his rambling, incoherent way, had of there then being " three cows " at

confufed the events of one year with thofe Plymouth, which would indicate that

Morton's

260 New Englifh Canaan.

The m canes.

Booke lear-
ning defpifed.

was their beft, I dare be bould to fay : for, although they
had but 3. Cowes in all,1 yet had they frefh butter and a
fallet of egges in dainty wife, a difh not common in a wilder-
nes. There hee beftowed fome time in the furvey of this
plantation. His new come fervants, in the meane time,
were tane to tafke, to have their zeale appeare, and quef-
tioned what preacher was among their company ; and find-
ing none, did feeme to condole their eftate as if undone,
becaufe no man among them had the guift to be in Ionas
fteade, nor they the meanes to keepe them in that path fo
hard to keepe.

Our Mafter, fay they, reacles the Bible and the word of
God, and ufeth the booke of common prayer: but this is not
the meanes, the anfwere is : the meanes, they crie, alas,
poore Soules where is the meanes ? you feeme as if betrayed,
to be without the meanes : how can you be flayed from fall-
inge headlonge to perdition? Facilis defcenfus avemi : 2 the
booke of common prayer, fayd they, what poore thinge is
that, for a man to reade in a booke ? No, no, good firs, I

would you were neere us, you might receave comfort
117 by m^ftruclion : give me a man hath the guiftes of

the fpirit, not a booke in hand. I doe profeffe fayes

one

Morton's arrival, referred to in the text,
was not in July 1622, but at fome time
fubfequent to the fpring of 1624, when
Winllow brought over "three heifers
and a bull, the firft beginning of any
cattle of that kind in the land." (Brad-
ford, p. 15S.) Yet Wefton, again, had
no "barque" at Plymouth after 1623.
The chapter feems to have been intro-
duced limply for the purpofc of working

on the church prejudices of Laud againft
the Puritans. (Seefufira, 93-4.) There
is in it a combination of " the booke of
common prayer " and " claret fparklinge
neatc," which is fuggeftive of the Book
of Sports as well as of " the Word of
God."

1 Bradford, p. 158.

2 Facilis defcenfus Averno. jEncid,
vi. 127.

New Rnglifli Canaan. 261

one, to live without the meanes is dangerous, the Lord doth
know.

By thefe infinuations, like the Serpent, they did creepe
and winde into the good opinion of the illiterate multitude,
that were defirous to be freed and gone to them, no doubdt,
(which fome of them after confeffed) ; and little good was to
be done one them after this charme was ufed : now plotts and
factions how they might get loofe : and here was fome 35.
ftout knaves ; and fome plotted how to fteale Mafter Weftons
barque, others, exafperated knavifhly to worke, would prac- vuianous
tife how to gett theire Mafter to an Ifland, and there leave knaves.
him; which hee had notice of, and fitted him to try what
would be done ; and fteps aborde his fhallop bound for
Cape Anne, to the Maffachuffets, with an Hogfhead of
Wine ; Sugar hee tooke along, the Sailes hoift up, and one
of the Confpirators aboard to fteere ; who in the mid way pre-
tended foule weather at the harboure mouth, and therefore,
for a time, hee would put in to an Ifland neere, and make
fome flay where hee thought to tempt his Mafter to walke
the woods, and fo be gone: but their Mafter to prevent
them caufed the fales and oares to be brought a fhore, to Prevented
make a tilt if neede fhould be, and kindled fire, broched hy d'fc'
that Hogfhed, and caufed them fill the can with lufty liqour,
Claret fparklinge neate ; which was not fuffered to grow
pale and flatt, but tipled of with quick dexterity : the Maf- And di/cove-
ter makes a fliew of keepinge round, but with clofe redindrinke.

lipps did feeme * to make longe draughts, knowinge * 118
the wine would make them Proteftants ; and fo the
plot was then at large difclofed and difcovered, and they made
drowfie ; and the inconftant windes fliiftinsre at nidit did

force

262

New Englifh Canaan.

Vikfed!"* f°rce tne kellecke home,1 and billedge the boat, that they

were forced to leave her fo, and cut downe trees that grew

Two men of j^y £}ie fllore to make Caffes : two of them went over bv

the Company J J

cajtaway helpe of a fore faile almoft a mile to the maine ; the other
jhoreupon two ftayed five dayes after, till the windes would ferve to fill
the failes. The firft two went to cape Ann by land, and had
fowle enough, and fowle wether by the way ; the Iflanders
had fifh enough, fhel-fifh and fire to roaft, and they could not
perifh for lacke of foode, and wine they had to be fure ; and
by this you fee they were not then in any want : the wine
and goodes brought thence ; the boat left there fo billedgd
that it was not worth the labor to be mended.

A ]\linifler
required to
renounce his
callinge.

Chap. VIII.

Of the BaniJJiment of Mafler IoJin Layford, and Iohn

Oldam from Plimmoutk?

M After Layford was at the Merchants chardge fent to
Plimmouth plantation to be their Paftor : But the
Brethren, before they would allow of it, would have him
firft renounce his calling to the office of the Minifiery, re-
ceived in England, as hereticall and Papifticall, (fo hee con-
fen1,) and then to receive a new callinge from them,
119 after their fantafticall invention : 3 * which hee refufed,
alledsins: and maintaining that his calling as it flood

1 A hillock is a fmall anchor. The
phrafe in the text means that the wind
caufeel the boat to drag her anchor, and
the went afliore and was Hove in.

2 Theepifode of Lyford and Oldham,
in the hiftory of the Plymouth planta-

was

tion, is told in detail by Bradford. The
account in the text differs from Brad-
ford's account only in that it is the
other fide of the ftory. (See Bradford,
pp. 172-88.)

3 See infra, 324, note. Though Ly-
ford

New Englifli Canaait. 263

was lawfull, and that hee would not renounce it ; and fo
Iohn Oldam, his opinion was one the affirmative ; and both
together did maintaine the Church of England to be a true
Church, although in fome particulars, (they faid,) defective ;
concludinge fo againft the Tenents there : and by this
meanes cancelled theire good opinion amonft the number
of the Seperatifts, that ftay they muft not, left they fhould
be fpies : and to fall fowle on this occation the Brethren
thought it would betray their caufe, and make it fall under
cenfure, therefore againft Mafter Layford they had found
out fome fcandall to be laid on his former corfe of life, to
blemifh that ; and fo, to conclude, hee was a fpotted beaft,
and not to be allowed where they ordained to have the Paff-
over kept fo zealoufly : as for Iohn Oldam, they could fee
hee would be paffionate and moody, and proove himfelfe a
mad lack in his mood, and as foone mooved to be moody,
and this impatience would Minifter advantage to them to be
ridd of him.

Hanniball when hee had to doe with Fabius was kept in
awe more by the patience of that one enemy, then by the impatience
refolution of the whole army : A well tempered enemy is a c°£p£.
terrible enemy to incounter. They injoyne him to come to
their needeles watch howfe in perfon, and for refufinge
give him a cracked Crovvne for preffe money, and make the New pum-
blood run downe about his eares ; a poore trick, yet a good ZTiLy!"
vaile, though Lufcus may fee thorough it ; and, for his fur-
ther

ford frequently exercifed in the Ply- fays he made " a large confeffion," fay-
mouth church, as an elfewhere ordained ing, anions: other things, "that he held
brother, he was never inftalled as its not himfelf a minifter till he had a new
paftor. When admitted to it, Bradford calling." (Bradford, pp. 181, 185, 1S8.)

264 New Engli/Ii Canaan.

* 120 ther behaviour in the Cafe, proceed to fentence * him

with banifhment, which was performed after a folemne

The Soiem- invention in this manner: A lane of Mufketiers was made,

"nijiunent. and hee compelled in fcorne to paffe along betweene, and to

receave a bob upon the bumme be every mufketier; and

then a board a fhallop, and fo convayed to Weffagufcus

fhoare, and ftaid at MalfachufTets : to whome Iohn Layford

and fome few more did refort ; where Mafter Layford freely

executed his office and preached every Lords day, and yet

maintained his wife and children foure or five upon his induf-

try there, with the bleffing of God and the plenty of the

Land, without the helpe of his auditory, in an honeft and

laudable manner ; till hee was wearied and made to leave

the Country.1

Chap. IX.

Of a barren doe of Virginea growne fruithfull in New

Canaan}

CHildren, and the fruit of the Wombe, are faid in holy
writt to be an inheritance that commeth of the Lord ;
then they muft be coupled in Gods name firft, and not as

this, and fome other, have done.

They

1 Supra, 24. feveri teenth-century flavor of coarfenefs

2 This chapter and Chapter XIII. - which occurred in the fettlement of
(pp. 273-6) relate to the fame matter. Bofton Bay. Apparently, judging by the
It is impoffible to venture a furmife expreffions, " this goodly creature of in-
even as to their meaning. It would continency" {Infra, *i2o/), "that had
feem clear that thev have no hiftori- tried a camp royal in other parts " (*i2i),
cal value, but relate rather to fome fome Englifh proftitute found her way
humorous incident — having the full out to Mount Wollafton, in company

with

New Rnglifli Canaan. 265

They are as arrowes in the hand of a Gyant; and happy, Agreathap-
faith David, is the man that hath his quiver full of them ; PbypropZga-
and by that rule, happy is that Land, and bleffed to, that is twn'
apt and fit for increafe of children.

I have mewed you before, in the fecond part of the dif-
courfe, how apt it is for the increafe of Minerals, Vegeta-
bles, and fenfible Creatures.

Now I will mew you how apt New Canaan is like-
* wife for the increafe of the reafonable Creatures ; * 1 2 1
Children, of all riches, being the principall : and I
give you this for an inftance.

This Country of New Canaan in feaven yeares time could
fhow more Children livinge, that have beene borne there,
then in 27. yeares could be fliewen in Virginea;1 yet here
are but a handful of weomen landed, to that of Virginea.

The Country doth afford fuch plenty of Lobfters and More cm-

other delicate fhellfifh, and Venus is faid to be borne of the Canaan h™.

Sea ; or elfe it was fome fallet herbe proper to the Climate, ^TXr^S

or the fountaine at Weenafeemute 2 made her become teem- *• 27>

ing here that had tried a campe royall in other partes where

fliee had been ; and yet never the neere, till fhee came in

to New Canaan. 01

bhee

with one of the adventurers there, and 1 It does not need to be faid that this

fubfequently went on to Virginia. She is one of Morton's prepofterous ftate-

may have come with Wollafton, and ments. As the fettlement of Virginia

been left in Bofton Bay when her com- dated from 1607, the twenty-feven years

panion went to Virginia, and then fol- he fpeaks of was equivalent to faying,

lowed him, giving birth to a child on "up to the time at which he was writ-

the way. This would explain the allu- ing," viz. 1634. Virginia was then not

fion to Phyllis and Dernophoon fubfe- only a much older fettlement, but it had

quently made (p. *i2(j). It is, however, a population largely in excefs of that of

a mere furmife on a fubjecl not worth New England,

puzzling over. 2 Supra, 229, note 3.

-66

New Engli/Ji Canaan.

Delivered
neare Bnf-
fards bay.

Dead and
buried.

Shee was delivered, (in a voyage to Virginea,) about Buf-
fardes bay, to weft of Cape Cod, where fhee had a Sonne
borne, but died without baptifme and was buried ; and
being a thinge remarkable, had this Epitaph followinge made
of purpofe to memorize the worth of the perfons.

EPITAPH.

Time, that bringes all thi7iges to lights
Doth hide this thinge out ofjight:
Yet fame hath left behinde aflory,
A hopeful I race tofiew the glory :
For underneath this heape offlones
Licth a per cell of f ma 11 bones ;
What hope at lajl can fuch impes have.
That from the wombe goes to the grave.

Stenography
one guift.

* 122

*Chap. X.1

Of a man indued with many f]?etiall gttifts fent over to be
Mafler of the Ceremonies.

THis was a man approoved of the Brethren, both for
his zeale and guiftes, yet but a Bubble, and at the pub-
like Chardge conveyed to New England, I thinke to be
Mafler of the Ceremonies betweene the Natives, and the
Planters : for hee applied himfelfe cheifly to pen the lan-
guage downe in Stenography : But there for want of ufe,
which hee rightly underftood not, all was loffe of labor;

fomethinsre

1 This chapter and Chapter XII.
are, hiftorically fpeaking. as inexplicable
as Chapters IX. and XIII. There is

nothing in any of the contemporaneous
records to indicate who is referred to
under the pfeudonym of Bubble.

New Englifh Canaan. 267

fomethinge it was when next it came to view, but what hee
could not tell.

This man, Mafter Bubble, was in the time of Iohn Old-
ams abfence made the howfe Chaplaine there, and every
night hee made ufe of his guifts, whofe oratory luld his audi- Oratory an-
tory faft a fleepe, as Mercuries pipes did Argus eies : for, °
when hee was in, they fayd hee could not tell how to get
out ; nay, hee would hardly out till hee were fired out, his
zeale was fuch : (one fire they fay drives out another) : hee
would become a great Merchant, and by any thinge that a great Mer-
was to be fold fo as hee might have day and be trufled never CJ^. a
fo litle time : the price it feemed hee flood not much upon,
but the day : for to his freind hee fhewed commodities, fo
priced as caufed him to blame the buyer, till the man this
Bubble did declare that it was tane up at day,
* and did rejoyce in the bargaine, infiflinge on the * 123
day ; the day, yea, marry, quoth his friend, if you
have doomefday for payment you are then well to paffe.
But if he had not, it were as good hee had ; they were payed
all alike.

And now this Bubbles day is become a common proverbe. His day
Hee obtained howfe roome at Paffonageffit and remooved ITonpr™"
thether, becaufe it flood convenient for the Beaver trade : uere'
and the rather becaufe the owner of Paffonageffit had no
Corne left, and this man feemed a bigg boned man, and
therefore thought to be a good laborer, and to have flore of
corne ; but, contrary wife, hee had none at all, and hoped
upon this freind his hoft : thithere were brought the tro- Trophies of
phies of this Mafter Bubbles honor, his water tankard and
his Porters bafket, but no provifion ; fo that one gunne did

ferve

cold.

268 New Englifli Canaan,

ferve to helpe them both to meat; and now the time for
fowle was almoft paft.
His long This man and his hoft at dinner, Bubble begins to fay

%Tm7at ' grace ; yea, and a long one to, till all the meate was cold ;
hee would not give his hoft leave to fay grace : belike, hee
thought mine hoft paft grace, and further learned as many
other Sch oilers are : but in the ufage and cuflome of this
blinde oratory his hoft tooke himfelfe abufed, and the whiles
fell to and had halfe done before this man Bubble would
open his eies to fee what flood afore him, which made him
more cautius, and learned that brevis oratio penetrat Cerium.
Together Bubbles and hee goes in the Canaw to Nut Ifland1
for brants, and there his hoft makes a fhotte and
* 1 24 breakes the winges of many : Bubble,* in haft and
fingle handed, paddels out like a Cow in a cage : his
hoft cals back to rowe two handed like to a pare of oares ;
and, before this could be performed, the fowle had time to
fwimme to other flockes, and fo to efcape : the beft part of
the pray being loft mayd his hoft to mutter at him, and fo to
parte for that time difcontended.

C HA P . XI.

Of a Compofition made by the Sachem for a Theft com-
mitted by fome of his men,fJicwingc their honefl meaninge.

THe owner of Paffonageffit, to have the benefit of com-
pany, left his habitation in the Winter and repofed at
Weffagufcus, (to his coft): meane time, in the Depth of

Winter,

1 One of the fmalleft of the iflands in or fo away, and between it and Pettuck's
Bofton Bay, ftill called by the fame name. Ifland. (See ShurtlefF s Defcription of
It lies off Mount Wollafton, and a mile Bojlon, p. 360.)

New Englifli Canaan. 269

Winter, the neighbour Salvages, accuftomed to buy foode, The salvages
came to the howfe, (for that intent perhaps,) and peepinge ^Je% %ake
in all the windowes, (then unglafed,) efpied corne, but no the Corne-
body to fell the fame; and having company and helpe at
hand did make a fhift to get into the howfe, and, take out
corne to ferve but for the prefent, left enough behinde : the
Sachem having knowledge of the facie, and being advertifed
likewife of the difpleafure that had ben conceaved by the
Proprietor thereof at this offence, prepares a Meffenger, the
Salvage that had lived in England, and fends him with
commiffion for the trefpaffe of his men, who had
tenne fkinnes perpofed * for it to bee payd by a day # 125
certaine : The Sachem, at the time appointed, bringes
the Beaver to Weffagufcus where the owner lived, but juft
then was gone abroade: meane time the fkinnes were by the
Weffagufcus men gelded, and the better halfe by them jug-
gled away before the owner came ; and hee by the Actors per- Adijiioneji
fwaded to bee contended with the reft who not fo pleafed
did draw the Sachem then to make a new agreement, and fo
to pay his remnant left in hand, and tenne fkinnes more by
a new day afigned, and then to bringe them to Paffonageffit ;
but the Weffagufcus men went the day before to the Salv-
ages with this fayinge, that they were fent to call upon him
there for payement ; and received tenne fkinnes, and tooke
a Salvage there to juftifie that at their howfe the owner
ftayed the while ; hee verified this, becaufe hee faw the man
before at Weffagufcus : the Sachem did beleive the tale,
and at that time delivered up tenne fkinnes on that behalfe,
in full difchardge of all demandes againft the trefpaffe and
the trefpaffers, to them ; who confented to him, and them, to

the

270 . New Englifh Canaan.

a con/eta- the owner, and kept nine1 to themfelves, and made the

The Heathen Salvage take the tenth, and give the owner all that yet was

'th'n Jtke' to bee had, themfelves confeffinge their demaunds for him,

chrijiians. ancj ^j. triere was but 0nely one as yet prepared : fo that

by this you may eafily perceive the uncivilized peo-
ple are more juft than the civili-
zed.

*i26 *Chap. XII.

Of a voyadge made by the M after of the Ceremonies of Nezu
Canaan to Neepenett, frojn whence hee came away ; and of
the manifold dangers hee efcaped.

lHis woorthy member Matter Bubble, a new Matter of

the Ceremonies, having a conceipt in his head that

hee had hatched a new device for the purchafe of Beaver,

beyond Imagination, packes up a facke full of odde imple-

Two Sal- ments, and without any company but a couple of Indians for

SS lohn, guides, (and therefore you may, if you pleafe, beeleive they

tahn^e.penett are f° dangerous as the Brethren of Plimmouth give it out,)

hee betakes him to his progreffe into the Inlande for Beaver,

with his carriadge on his fhoulders like Milo : his guides and

hee in proceffe of time come to the place appointed, which

was about Neepenett,2 thereabouts being more Beavers to be

had then this Milo could carry, and both his journey men :

glad hee was good man, and his guides were willing to pleaf-

ure

1 [view] Sezfupra, in, note 1. 2 Nipnet, or Worcefter County; fee

fupra, 240, note.

New. Knglifli Canaan. 2 7 1

ure him : there the Salvages ftay : night came on, but, before
they were inclined to fleepe, this good man Mafter Bubble
had an evation crept into his head, by mifapplying the Salv-
ages actions, that hee muft needs be gone in all haft, yea and
without his errand : hee purpofed to doe it fo cun-
ningely that his flight fhould not *be fufpecled : hee * 127
leaves his fhooes in the howfe, with all his other
implements, and flies : as hee was on his way, to increafe
his feare, fuggeftinge himfelfe that hee was preffed1 by a
company of Indians and that there fhafts were let fly as thick
as haile at him, hee puts of his breeches and puts them one
his head, for to fave him from the fhafts that flew after him
fo thick that no man could perceave them, and cryinge out,
avoyd Satan, what have yee to doe with mee ! thus running
one his way without his breeches hee was pittifully fcratched
with the brufh of the underwoods, as hee wandred up and
downe in unknowne wayes : The Salvages in the meane
time put up all his implements in the fack hee left behinde
and brought them to Weffagufcus, where they thought to
have found him ; but, underftanding hee was not returned,
were ferefull what to doe, and what would be conceaved of
the Englifh was become of this mazed man, the Mafter of
the Ceremonies ; and were in confutation of the matter.
One of the Salvages was of opinion the Englifh would fup-
pofe him to be made away ; fearefull hee was to come in
fight. The other, better acquainted with the Englifh, (hav-
ing lived fome time in England,2) was more confident, and

hee

1 [prefent] Seefufira, in, note i. there is a quite detailed account to be

2 Squanto is apparently referred to gathered from the early Plymouth rec-
here. {Supra, 244, note 2.) There is ords — which is fuggeftive of the events
no incident in Squanto's life — of which defcribed in the text.

272

New Rnglifli Canaan.

They take a
note of what
was in the
Jack.

Mr. Bubble
vi lift be
found agaitie
or elfe they
fliall be de-
ftroyed.

ATot any
thing dimin-
iflud.

hee perfwaded his fellow that the Englifh would be fatisfied
with relation of the truth, as having had teftimony of his
fidelity. So they boldly adventured to fhew what they had
brougt and how the matter flood. The Englifh, (when the
fack was opened,) did take a note in writing of all the partic-

ulers that were in the fack ; and heard what was by
* 128 the Salvages related of the accidents: but, when his

fhoes were fhowne, it was thought hee would not have
departed without his fhoes ; and therefore they did conceave
that Matter Bubble was made away by fome unifier praclife
of the Salvages, who unadvifedly had bin culpable of a crime
which now they fought to excufe ; and ftraightly chardged
the Salvages to finde him out againe, and bring him dead,
or alive, elfe their wifes and children mould be deftroyed.
The poore Salvages, being in a pittifull perplexity, caufed
their Countrymen to feeke out for this maz'd man ; who,
being in fhort time found, was brought to Weffagufcus ;
where hee made a difcourfe of his travels, and of the perril-
lous paffages, which did feeme to be no leffe dangerous then
thefe of that worthy Knight Errant, Don Quixote,1 and how
miraculoufly hee had bin preferved ; and, in conclufion,
lamented the greate loffe of his goods, whereby hee thought
himfelfe undone.

The perticuler whereof being demaunded, it appeared that
the Salvages had not diminifhed any part of them ; no, not
fo much as one bit of bread : the number being knowne,
and the fragments laid together, it appeared all the bifket

was

1 The firft pnrt of Don Quixote was in 161 5. It was firft tranflated into
publiihed in 1605, and the fecond part Englifh by Thomas Skelton, in 1612-20.

New Rngli/Ii Canaan. 273

was preferved, and not any diminifhed at all : whereby the
Mafter of the Ceremonies was overjoyed, and the whole
Company made themfelves merry at his difcourfe of all his
perrillous adventures.

And by this you may obferve whether the Salvage people
are not full of humanity, or whether they are a dangerous
people, as Mafter Bubble and the reft of his tribe would per-
fwade you.

*Chap. XIII. *I29

Of a lamentable fit of Mellancolly that the Barren doe fell
into, (after the death of her iiifant, feeing herfelfe defpifed
of her Sweete hart) whereof fJiee was cured.

WHether this goodly creature of incontinency went to
worke upon even termes like Phillis, or noe, it does
not appeare by any Indenture of covenants then extant;
whereby fhee might legally challenge the performance of
any compleate Marriage at his hands that had bin trade-
ing with her, as Demopheon here to fore had bin with his
oftis.1

Nevertheleffe, (for his future advantage,) fhee indeav-
oured, (like Phillis,) to gaine this Demopheon all to her-
felfe ;

1 The reference here is to the ftory of the nuptials were celebrated, he went to

Demophoon and Phyllis, told by Ovid Attica to fettle his affairs at home, and

(Heroides, II.) Demophoon, fon of as he tarried longer than Phyllis had

Thefeus and Phaedra, accompanied the expected, fhe began to think that fhe

Greeks to Troy; and on his return, was forgotten, and put an end to her

Phyllis, the daughter of the Thracian life. She was metamorphofed into a

king Sithon, fell in love with him, and tree. (See Smith's Dictionary, title

he confented to marry her. But before Demophoon.)

274

New Englifh Canaan.

Shcc cannot
one the fo-
daine refolve
which dore
to goe in att.

felfe ; who, (as it feemes,) did meane nothing leffe by leaving
her for the next commer, that had any minde to coole his
courage by that meanes ; the whipping poft, (as it feemes,)
at that time not being in publike ufe for fuch kinde of Cony
katchers ; but feeing herfelfe rejected, fhee grew into fuch a
paffion of Mellancolly, on a fodaine, that it was thought fhee
would exhibit a petition for redreffe to grim Pluto, who had
fet her a worke ; and knowing that the howfe of fate has
many entrances, fhee was puffeld to finde the neereft way.
Shee could not refolve on a fodaine which doore would

foonefh bring her to his prefence handfomely.
* 1 30 * If fhee fhould make way with a knife, fhee thought

fhee might fpoyle her drinking in after ages ; if by
poyfon, fhee thought it might prolonge her paffage thether ;
if by drowning, fhee thought Caron might come the while
with his boate, and waft her out of fight ; if fhee mould tie
up her complaint in a halter, fhee thought the Ropmakers
would take exceptions againft her good fpeede. And in this
manner fhee debated with herfelfe, and demurred upon the
matter: So that fhee did appeare willing enough, but a
woman of fmall refolution.

Which thing when it was publikely knowne, made many
come to comfort her. One amongft the reft was by hir
requefted, on her behalfe, to write to her late unkinde De-
mopheon. The Gentleman, being merrily difpofed, in fleed
of writing an heroicall Epiftle compofed this Elegi, for a
memoriall of fome mirth upon the Circumftance of the mat-
ter, to be fent unto hir, as followeth :

CARMEN

New Englifh Canaan. 275

CARMEN ELEGIAC VM.

MElpomene, (at whofe mifcheifous love
The f creech owles voyce is heard the mandraks grovel)
Commands my pen in an lambick vaine
To tell a difmall tale, that may conjlraine
The hart of him to bleede, thatfJiall difcerne
How much this foule amiffe does him concer7ie.
Aleclo, (grim Aleclo,) light thy tortch
To thy beloved Jijler next the porch

* That leads unto the man/ion howfe of fate, * 131

Whofe farewell makes herfreind more fortunate.
A Great Squa Sachem can fJiee poynt to goe
Before grim Minos ; and yet no man know
That knives and halters, ponds, and poyfonous things
Are alwayes ready, when the Divell once brings
Such deadly finners to a deepe remorfe
Of confeience felfe accufing, that will force
Them to difpaire, like wicked Kain, whiles death
Stands ready with all thefe toflopp their breath.
The beare comes by that oft hath bay ted ben
By many a Satyres whelpe ; unlcjfe you can
Co7nmaund your eies to drop huge milflones forth,
In lamentation of this lojje 011 earth
Of her, of whome fo mtich prayfe wee may finde,
Goe whenfliee will,f1iee V leave none like behinde ;
Shee was too good for earth, too bad for heaven.

Why then for hell the match is fomewhat even.

After

276 New Rnglifli Canaan.

After this, the water of the fountaine at Ma-re Mount was
thought fit to be applyed unto her for a remedy, fhee wil-
lingly ufed according to the quality thereof.

And when this Elegy came to be divulged, fhee was fo
confcious of her crime that fhee put up her pipes, and with
the next fhipp fhee packt away to Virginea, (her former
habitation,) quite cured of her mellancolly, with the helpe of

the water of the fountaine
at Ma-re Mount.

* 132 *Chap. XIV.

Of the Revells of New Canaan}

THe Inhabitants of Pafonageffit, (having tranflated the
name of their habitation from that ancient Salvage
name to Ma-re Mount,2 and being refolved to have the new
name confirmed for a memorial to after ages,) did devife
amongft themfelves to have it performed in a folemne man-
ner, with Revels and merriment after the old Englifh cuflome ;
a Maypoie. [they] prepared to fett up a Maypole upon the feftivall day
of Philip and Iacob, and therefore brewed a barrell of excel-
lent beare and provided a cafe of bottles, to be fpent, with
other good cheare, for all commers of that day. And becaufe
they would have it in a compleat forme, they had prepared a
fong fitting to the time and prefent occafion. And upon
Mayday they brought the Maypole to the place appointed,

with

1 Supra, 17-19. 2 Supra, 14, note 4.

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 277

with drumes, gunnes, piftols and other fitting inftruments,
for that purpofe ; and there erected it with the help of Salv-
ages, that came thether of purpofe to fee the manner of our
Revels. A goodly pine tree of 80. foote longe was reared
up, with a peare of buckshorns nayled one fomewhat neare
unto the top of it : where it flood, as a faire fea marke for
directions how to finde out the way to mine Hofle of Ma-re
Mount.

And becaufe it fhould more fully appeare to what end it
was placed there, they had a poem in readines made, which
was fixed to the Maypole, to fhew the new name confirmed
upon that plantation ; which, allthough it were made
according to the occurrents * of the time, it, being * 133
Enigmatically compofed.puffelled the Seperatifts moft
pittifully to expound it, which, (for the better information
of the reader,) I have here inferted.

THE POEM.

Rife Ocdipeus, and, if thou caii/l, unfould
What meanes Caribdis underneath the mould,
When Scilla follitary on the ground
{Sitting hi forme of Niobe,) was found,
Till Amphitrites Darling did acquaint
Grim Neptune with the Tenor of her plaint,
And caufd him fend forth Triton with the found
Of Trumpet lowd, at which the Seas were found
So full of Protean formes that the boldfJwre
Prefented Scilla a new parramore

278

New Englifh Canaan.

The man
who brought
her over was
named Sam-
Jon lob.

Softronge as Samp foil and fo patient

As fob himfclfe, directed thus, by fate,

To comfort Scilla fo unfortunate.

I doe profejfc, by Cupids beautious mother,

Heres Scogans choife 1 for Scilla, and none other;

Though Scilldsfick with grcifc, becaufe no fgne

Can there be found of vertue mafculine.

Efculapius come ; I know right well

His laboure 's lofl when you may ring her Knell.

The fatall fifters doome none can witlftand,

Nor Cithareas powre, who poynts to land

With proclamation that the firfl of May

At Ma-re Mount fiall be kept holly day.

* 134 The fetting up of this Maypole was a lamentable

fpeclacle to the precife feperatifts, that lived at new

The Maypole Plimmouth. They termed it an Idoll ; yea, they called it

The'ca^/eof1 the Calfe of Horeb, and flood at defiance with the place,

Horeb' naming it Mount Dagon ; threatning to make it a woefull

mount and not a merry mount.

The Riddle, for want of Oedipus, they could not expound ;
onely they made fome explication of part of it, and fayd it
was meant by Sampfon lob, the carpenter of the ftiipp that

brought

1 John Scogan was the famous court been a popular expreffion, Ggnifying

buffoon, attached to the ho'ufehold of that a choice of fome fort is better

Edward IV., whofe head Juftice Shal- than no power to choofe at all. It was

low makes the youthful Falftaff break derived probably from the ftory of Sco-

at the court gate {Henry IV. Part II. gan, that he was once ordered to be

act iii. sc. 2), though Falftaff is repre-
fented as having died at leaft twenty
years before Scogan could have been
born. In regard to him, fee Doran's
Court Fools, pp. 123-30. " Scogan's
choice," in Morton's day, feems to have

hanged, but allowed the privilege of
choofing the tree. He efcaped the pen-
alty by being unable to find a tree to
his liking. Morton ufes the expreffion
again, fee infra, *I37- But the refe-
rence here is as obfeure as " the poem."

New Englifh Canaan. 279

brought over a woman to her huiband, that had bin there
lonee before and thrived fo well that hee fent for her and her
children to come to him ; where fhortly after hee died : hav-
ing no reafon, but becaufe of the found of thofe two words ;
when as, (the truth is,) the man they applyed it to was alto-
gether unknowne to the Author.

There was likewife a merry fong made, which, (to make
their Revells more fafhionable,) was fung with a Corus, every
man bearing his part; which they performed in a daunce,
hand in hand about the Maypole, whiles one of the Com-
pany fung and filled out the good liquor, like gammedes
and Iupiter.

Cor.

THE SONGE.

DRinke and be merry, merry, merry boycs ;
Let all your delight be in the Hymens ioyes ;
Jo to Hymen, now the day is come,
About the merry Maypole take a Roome.

Make greene garlons, bring bottles out

And fill fweet Neclar freely about.
* Vncover thy head and feare no harme, * 1 35

For hers good liquor to kccpe it warme.
Then drinke and be merry, &c.
lb to Hymen, &c.

Neclar is a thing aJJigiHd

By the Deities owne minde

To cure the hart opprejl with greife,

And of good liquors is the cheife.
Then drinke, &c.
lb to Hymen, &c. Give

280 New Engli/Ii Caitaan.

Give to the Mellancolly man
A cup or two of V now and than ;
This phyfick willfoone revive his bloud,
And make him be of a merrier moode.

Then drinke, &c.

lb to Hymen, &c.

Give to the Nymphe t hats free from fcorne
No IrifJi fluff nor Scotch over worne.
Laffes in beaver coats come away,
YcefJiall be welcome to us night and day.

To drinke and be merry &c.

Jo to Hymen, &c.

This harmeles mirth made by younge men, (that lived in
hope to have wifes brought over to them, that would fave
them a laboure to make a voyage to fetch any over,) was
much diftafted of the precife Seperatifts, that keepe much
a doe about the tyth of Muit and Cummin, troubling their
braines more then reafon would require about things that
are indifferent : and from that time fought occafion
* 136 againft my* honeft Holt of Ma-re Mount, to over-
throw his ondertakings and to deftroy his plantation
quite and cleane. But becaufe they prefumed with their
imaginary gifts, (which they have out of Phaos box,1) they
could expound hidden mifteries, to convince them of blind-
nes, as well in this as in other matters of more confequence,
I will illuftrate the poem, according to the true intent of the
authors of thefe Revells, fo much diftafted by thofe Moles.

Oedipus is generally receaved for the abfolute reader of
riddles, who is invoaked : Silla and Caribdis are two danger-

1 Infra, 348, note. ous

New Englifli Canaan. 281

ous places for feamen to incounter, neere unto Venn ice ;
and have bin by poets formerly refembled to man and wife.
The like licence the author challenged for a paire of his
nomination, the one lamenting for the loffe of the other as
Niobe for her children. Amphitrite is an arme of the Sea,
by which the newes was carried up and downe of a rich
widow, now to be tane up or laid downe. By Triton is the
fame fpread that caufed the Suters to mufter, (as it had bin
to Penellope of Greece ;) and, the Coafl lying circuler, all
our paffage to and froe is made more convenient by Sea
then Land. Many aimed at this marke ; but hee that played
Proteus belt and could comply with her humor mufl be the
man that would carry her ; and hee had need have Samp-
fons flrenght to deale with a Dallila, and as much patience
as lob that mould come there, for a thing that I did ob-
ferve in the life-time of the former.

But marriage and hanging, (they fay,) comes by defteny
and Scogans choife1 tis better [than] none at all.
Hee that * playd Proteus, (with the helpe of Pria- * 137
pus,) put their nofes out of joynt, as the Proverbe is.

And this the whole company of the Revellers at Ma-re
Mount knew to be the true fence and expofition of the
riddle that was fixed to the Maypole, which the Seperatifts
were at defiance with. Some of them affirmed that the firft.
inftitution thereof was in memory of a whore ; 2 not knowing
that it was a Trophe erected at firft in honor of Maja, the
Lady of learning which they defpife, vilifying the two

univerfities

1 Supra, 278, note I. 2 "Ye Roman Goddes Flora." (Brad-

ford, p. 237.)

282 New Englifh Canaan,

univerfities with uncivile termes, accounting what is there
obtained by ftuddy is but unneceffary learning ; not confid-
ering that learninge does inable mens mindes to converfe
with eliments of a higher nature then is to be found within
the habitation of the Mole.

Chap. XV.

Of a great Monfter fuppofed to be at Ma-re-Mount ; and
the preparation made to dejlroy it}

THe Seperatifts, envying the profperity and hope of the
Plantation at Ma-re Mount, (which they perceaved
beganne to come forward, and to be in a good way for gaine
in the Beaver trade,) confpired together againft mine Hoft
elpecially, (who was the owner of that Plantation,) and made
up a party againft him; and muftred up what aide they

could, accounting of him as of a great Monfter.
* 138 * Many threatening fpeeches were given out both

againft his perfon and his Habitation, which they
divulged fhould be confumed with fire : And taking advan-
tage of the time when his company, (which feemed little to
regard theire threats,) were gone up into the Inlands to trade
with the Salvages for Beaver, they fet upon my honeft hoft
at a place called Wefiagufcus, where, by accident, they found
him. The inhabitants there were in good hope of the fub-
vertion of the plantation at Mare Mount, (which they prin-
cipally aymed at ; ) and the rather becaufe mine hoft was a

man

1 In regard to the arreft of Morton by Standifh, in June, 1628, teefupra, 27-9.

New Englifli Canaan. 283

man that indeavoured to advaunce the dignity of the Church
of England ; which they, (on the contrary part,) would
laboure to vilifie with uncivile termes : enveying againft the
facred booke of common prayer, and mine hoft that ufed it
in a laudable manner amongft his family, as a praclife of
piety.

There hee would be a meanes to bringe facks to their mill,
(fuch is the thirft after Beaver,) and helped the confpiratores
to furprife mine hofl, (who was there all alone;) and they
chardged him, (becaufe they would feeme to have fome rea-
fonable caufe againft him to fett a gloffe upon their mallice,)
with criminall things ; which indeede had beene done by fuch
a perfon, but was of their confpiracy ; mine hofl demaunded
of the confpirators who it was that was author of that infor-
mation, that feemed to be their ground for what they now
intended. And becaufe they anfwered they would not tell
him, hee as peremptorily replyed, that hee would not fay
whether he had, or he had not done as they had bin
informed.

* The anfwere made no matter, (as it feemed,) * 139
whether it had bin negatively or affirmatively made ;
for they had refolved what hee mould fuffer, becaufe, (as they
boafted,) they were now become the greater number : they
had fhaked of their fhackles of fervitude, and were become
Mailers, and mailerles people.

It appeares they were like beares whelpes in former time,
when mine hofls plantation was of as much ftrength as theirs,
but now, (theirs being ftronger,) they, (like overgrowne
beares,) feemed monfterous. In breife, mine hoft muft indure
to be their prifoner untill they could contrive it fo that they

might

284 New Englifh Canaan.

might fend him for England, (as they faid,) there to fuffer
according to the merrit of the fact which they intended to
father upon him ; fuppofing, (belike,) it would proove a hai-
nous crime.

Much rejoycing was made that they had gotten their cap-
pitall enemy, (as they concluded him ; ) whome they purpofed
to hamper in fuch fort that hee mould not be able to uphold
his plantation at Ma-re Mount.

The Confpirators fported themfelves at my honeft hoft,
that meant them no hurt, and were fo joccund that they feafted
their bodies, and fell to tippeling as if they had obtained a
great prize ; like the Trojans when they had the cuftody of
Hippeus pinetree horfe.

Mine hoft fained greefe, and could not be perfwaded
either to eate or drinke ; becaufe hee knew emptines would
be a meanes to make him as watchfull as the Geefe kept in
the Roman Cappitall : whereon, the contrary part, the con-
fpirators would be fo drowfy that hee might have an
* 140 opportunity to give them a * flip, infteade of a teller.
Six perfons of the confpiracy were fet to watch him
Mine Hoji at Weffagufcus : But hee kept waking ; and in the dead of
gpri/on night, (one lying on the bed for further fuerty,) up gets
mine Hoft and got to the fecond dore that hee was to paffe,
which, notwithstanding the lock, hee got open, and fliut it
after him with fuch violence that it affrighted fome of the
confpirators.

The word, which was given with an alarme, was, 6 he 's
gon, he 's gon, what fhall wee doe, he 's gon ! The refl, (halfe
a fleepe,) ftart up in a maze, and, like rames, ran theire heads
one at another full butt in the darke.

Theire

New Englifh Canaan. 285

Theire grande leader, Captaine Shrimp, tooke on moft furi- The Captain
oufly and tore his clothes for anger, to fee the empty neft, clothes.
and their bird gone.

The reft were eager to have torne theire haire from theire
heads ; but it was fo fhort that it would give them no hold.
Now Captaine Shrimp thought in the loffe of this prize,
(which hee accoumpted his Mailer peece,) all his honor
would be loft for ever.

In the meane time mine Hofl was got home to Ma-re Mineko/i
Mount through the woods, eight miles round about the head Ma-rc'mount.
of the river Monatoquit that parted the two Plantations,
finding his way by the helpe of the lightening, (for it thun-
dred as hee went terribly ; ) and there hee prepared pow-
ther, three pounds dried, for his prefent imployement, and
foure good gunnes for him and the two affirmants left at his Hee provides
howfe, with bullets of feverall fizes, three hounderd or there- Zs.ume'
abouts, to be ufed if the confpirators fhould purfue
* him thether: and thefe two perfons promifed theire * 141
aides in the quarrell, and confirmed that promife with
health in good rofa folis.

Now Captaine Shrimp, the firft Captaine in the Land, (as
hee fuppofed,) muffc doe fome new act to repaire this loffe,
and, to vindicate his reputation, who had fuftained blemifh
by this overfight, begins now to ftudy, how to repaire or fur-
vive his honor : in this manner, callinge of Councell, they
conclude.

Hee takes eight perfons more to him, and, (like the nine
Worthies of New Canaan,) they imbarque with preparation
againft Ma-re-Mount, where this Monfter of a man, as theire
phrafe was, had his denne ; the whole number, had the reft

not

286 New Englifh Canaa7t.

not bin from home, being but feaven, would have given Cap-
taine Shrimpe, (a quondam Drummer,) fuch a wellcome as
would have made him wifh for a Drume as bigg as Diogenes
tubb, that hee might have crept into it out of fight.

Now the nine Worthies are approached, and mine Hoft
prepared : having intelligence by a Salvage, that haflened in
love from Weffagufcus to give him notice of their intent.

One of mine Hofts men prooved a craven : the other had
prooved his wits to purchafe a little valoure, before mine
Hoft had obferved his pofture.

* 142 * The nine worthies comming before the Denne of

this fuppofed Monfter, (this feaven headed hydra, as

they termed him,) and began, like Don Quixote againft the

a Parly. Windmill, to beate a parly, and to offer quarter, if mine Hoft

would yeald ; for they refolved to fend him for England ;

and bad him lay by his armes.

But hee, (who was the Sonne of a Souldier,) having taken
up armes in his juft defence, replyed that hee would not lay
by thofe armes, becaufe they were fo needefull at Sea, if hee
mould be fent over. Yet, to fave the effufion of fo much
worty bloud, as would haue iffued out of the vaynes of thefe
9. worthies of New Canaan, if mine Hoft fhould have played
upon them out at his port holes, (for they came within dan-
ger like a flocke of wild geefe, as if they had bin tayled one
to another, as coults to be fold at a faier,) mine Hoft was
content to yeelde upon quarter ; and did capitulate with
them in what manner it fhould be for more certainety,
Captaine becaufe hee knew what Captaine Shrimpe was.

Shrimpe pro- L m '

mifeth that Hee expreffed that no violence fhould be offered to his

no Violence . . 1 r 1 • t t /~ 1 i -i i

fliouidbee pcrfon, none to his goods, nor any of his Howfehold : but

offered to his ,

pcrfon. that

New Englifh Canaan, 287

that hee mould have his armes, and what els was requifit
for the voyage : which theire Herald retornes, it was agreed
upon, and fhould be performed.

But mine Hoft no fooner had fet open the dore, and iffued
out, but inftantly Captaine Shrimpe and the reft of the wor-
ties ftepped to him, layd hold of his armes, and had
him downe : and fo eagerly was every *man bent * 143
againft him, (not regarding any agreement made with
fuch a carnall man,) that they fell upon him as if they would
have eaten him : fome of them were fo violent that they
would have a flice with fc.abbert, and all for hafte ; untill The Worthies
an old Souldier, (of the Queenes, as the Proverbe is,) that ™hdruJwor-
was there by accident, clapt his gunne under the weap- thyPraaife'-
ons, and fharply rebuked thefe worthies for their unworthy
pra6lifes. So the matter was taken into more deliberate
confideration.

Captaine Shrimpe, and the reft of the nine worthies,
made themfelves, (by this outragious riot,) Matters of mine
Hofte of Ma-re Mount, and difpofed of what hee had at his
plantation.

This they knew, (in the eye of the Salvages,) would add
to their glory, and diminifh the reputation of mine honeft
Hoft ; whome they practifed to be ridd of upon any termes,
as willingly as if hee had bin the very Hidra of the time.

Chapter XVI.

288 New Englifli Canaan.

Chap. XVI.

How the 9. worthies put mine Hoji of Ma-re-Mount into
the inchaunted Caftle at Plimniouth, and terrified him
with tlie Monfier Briareus.

THe nine worthies of New Canaan having now the Law
in their owne hands, (there being no generall
* 144 * Governour in the Land ; nor none of the Sepera-
tion that regarded the duety they owe their Sover-
aigne, whofe naturall borne Subjects they were, though
tranflated out of Holland, from whence they had learned to
worke all to their owne ends, and make a great fhewe of Re-
ligion, but no humanity,) for they were now to fit in Counfell
on the caufe.

And much it flood mine honeft Hoft upon to be very cir-
cumfpect, and to take Eacus1 to tafke ; for that his voyce was
more allowed of then both the other : and had not mine
Hoft confounded all the arguments that Eacus could make
in their defence, and confuted him that fwaied the reft, they
would have made him unable to drinke in fuch manner of
merriment any more. So that following this private coun-
fell, given him by one that knew who ruled the roft, the
Hiracano ceafed that els would fplit his pinace.

A conclufion was made and fentence given that mine
Hoft fhould be fent to England a prifoner. But when hee
was brought to the fhipps for that purpofe, no man durft

1 See infra, 291, note.

New Rnglifli Canaan. 289

be fo foole hardy as to undertake carry him.1 So thefe
Worthies fet mine Hoft upon an Ifland, without gunne, Mine hoji
powther, or fhot or dogge or fo much as a knife to get any iji^nTwHk-
thinge to feede upon, or any other cloathes to fhelter him Tjl'/^/o"^
with at winter then a thinne fuite which hee had one at that htmfelfe-
time. Home hee could not get to Ma-re-Mount. Upon this
Ifland hee ftayed a moneth at lead, and was releeved by
Salvages that tooke notice that mine Hoft was a Sachem of
Paffonageffit, and would bringe bottles of ftrong liquor
to him, and unite themfelves * into a league of brother * 145
hood with mine Hoft ; fo full of humanity are thefe
infidels before thofe Chriftians.

From this place for England failed mine Hoft in a Plim-
mouth fhipp, (that came into the Land to fifli upon the
Coaft,) that landed him fafe in England at Plimmouth : and
hee ftayed in England untill the ordinary time for fhipping
to fet forth for thefe parts, and then retorned:2 Noe man
being able to taxe him of any thinge.

But the Worthies, (in the meane time,) hoped they had
bin ridd of him.

Chapter XVII.

1 Morton here confounds his experi- (Bradford, p. 232.) Allerton returned

ence in Bofton, two years later, with that to London in the courfe of the fucceed-

at Plymouth in 162S. In 1630 the maf- ing hammer or autumn, but it is not

ter of the ^///refufed to carry him back probable then any veffel left Plymouth

to England. {Supra, 44.) In the fpring in June, 1628, bound for England. (Su-

of 1628, however, no veffel feems to have pra, 29.)

arrived at Plymouth from England, as "2 It was not until towards the clofe of

Allerton then brought over an affort- the fummer of the next year that Morton

ment of goods, and came in a nfhing- returned to Maffachufetts, in company

veffel by way of the Maine nations, with Allerton. {Supra, 36-7.)

290 New Englifli Canaan.

Chap. XVII.

Of the Baccanall Triumphe of the nine worthies of New
Canaan.

THe Seperatifts were not fo contended, (when mine
Hoft of Ma-re- Mount was gone,) but they were as much
difcontended when hee was retorned againe : and the rather
becaufe theire paffages about him, and the bufineffe, were fo
much derided and in fonges exemplified : which, (for better
fatisfaclion of fuch as are in that kinde affected,) I have fet
forth, as it was then in ufe by the name of the Baccanall
Trizimphe, as followeth :

* 146 *THE POEM.1

MajierBcn: T fing tit adventures of nine worthy wights,

-■- And pit 'ty V is I cannot call them Knights,

Since they had brawne and braine, and were right able

To be inflalled of Prince Art/mres table ;

Yet all of them were Squires of low degree,

As did appeare by rules of heraldry.

The

1 Morton implies above that the Exactly what this fignifies it is impofli-
"Poem" which follows was written ble now to fay. Some critics that I
fhortly after the events to which it re- have confulted are inclined to think
lates occurred, and before his return to that Jonfon, who was then about fifty-
New England in 1629. It was then, it five years old and at the height of his
feems, "in ufe" in London. The name fame, may have written all the verfes.
of Ben Jonfon appears in the margin of Others fugged that Morton, by putting
the original edition, as of this reprint, the name in the margin, meant to imply
and oppofite the firft two lines, as above, that Jonfon wrote them all, and that

this

Ioknfon.

New Englifli Canaan.

291

The Magi tould of a prodigeous birth

That JJiortly JJwuld be found upon the earth,

By Archimedes art, which they mif confer

Vnto their Land would proove a hiddeous monfler ;

Seaven heades it had, and twice fo many feete,

Arguing the body to be wondrous greate,

Befides

this was another of the unfcrupulous
tricks of the author of the New Canaan.
Neither explanation commends itielf to
my judgment. The firft five verlified
lines are a paraphrafe of five lines at
the beginning of one of Jonfon's pro-
ductions, for a poem it is not. In his
publiihed works (Gifford's ed. [1816],
vol. viii. p. 241) they appear as follows : —

" I fing the brave adventure of two wights,
And pity 'tis, I cannot call them knights :
One was ; and he for brawn and brain right

able
To have been ftyled of king Arthur's table.
The other was a fquire, of fair degree."

With the laft of the foregoing lines the
paraphrafe flops, and the reft of the
verfes in the New Canaan are, it muft
in juftice be faid, not only more cleanly,
but in other refpecbs fuperior to thofe
to be found in Jonfon's works. Indeed,
where the latter are not unintelligible,
they are almoft unequalled for the nafti-
nefs in which the writer feems to revel.
Gifford not too ftrongly remarks of them,
" I diflike the fubject." Morton, it ap-
pears to me, abandoning, at the fixth
line, the paraphrafe with which he began,
went on with a production of his own, but
very properly put Jonfon's name oppofite
the lines he borrowed from him. The
remainder is in his own ftyle, and not
inferior to the mafs of the contempo-
rary verfe. He himfelf explains it. The
" nine worthy wights " are Standifh and
his party, who were fent to arreft him.
The " prodigeous birth,'' was the eftab-

lifhment of the Mount Wollafton planta-
tion. The " feven heads " were the
feven perfons compofing the company at
Mount Wollafton at the time of the ar-
reft. The " forked tail " was the May-
pole, with its antlered top. The fear that
the Hydra of Ma-re Mount would devour
" all their beft flocks " refers to the ap-
prehended competition in the fur trade.
The "Soil in Cancer" indicates the
feafon ; the " thundering Jove " the
ftorm, in which Morton made his efcape
from his captors at Weffaguftet. The
arreft at Mount Wollafton is paffed over
very lightly. Then follows the difcuf-
fion among the magiftrates at Plymouth,
as to the difpofition to be made of the
prifoner. Standifh would feem to be de-
signated under the name of Minos. He
recommends death. Eacus is more dif-
ficult to identify. In the preceding
chapter {Supra, 288), Morton fpeaks of
him as being the one whofe " voice was
more allowed of then both the others."
My fuppofition is that, by Eacus, Mor-
ton meant Dr. Samuel Fuller, who then
apparently (Bradford, pp. 264, note, 306,
note) flood, next to Standifh, at the head
of the affiftants. Morton fays that he
"confounded all the arguments that
Eacus could make; " and he afterwards,
in the New Canaan, refers to Fuller
with peculiar bitternefs. {Infra, 298.)
"Sterne Radamant" is clearly Brad-
ford, "the cheif Elder." The remainder
of the poem calls for no explanation ;
and the whole of it is much lefs unin-
telligible than is ufual with Morton.

292 New Englifli Canaan.

Be/ides a forked taile heavd up on highe

As if it threaten d battett to thefkie.

The Rtimor of this fearef nil prodigy

Did caufe tJi effeminate multitude to cry

For want of great Alcides aide, and flood

Like People that have feene M edit fas head.

Great was the greife of hart, great was the mone,

And great the fear e conceaved by every one

Of Hydras hiddeous forme and dreadfull powre,

Doubting in time this Monfler would devoure

All their bcfl flocks, whofe dainty wo lie conforts

Itfelfe with Scarlet in all Princes Courts.

Not Iafon nor the adventerous youths of Greece

Did bring from Colcos any richer Fleece.

In Emulation of the Gretian force

Thefe Worthies nineprepard a woodden hoife,

* 147 * And, prick 'd with pride of like fucceffe, divife

How they may purchafe glory by this prize ;

And, if they give to Hidreas head the fall,

It will remaine a plat forme unto all

Theire brave atchivements, and in time to comme,

Per fas aut nefas, they V erefl a throne.

Cloiibs are turnd trumps : fo now the lott is cafl:

With fire and f word to Hidras den they Jiafle,

Mars in tli affendant, Soil in Cancer now,

And Lerna Lake to Pluto s court mufl bow.

What though they [be~] rebu/cd by thundring love,

Tis neither Gods nor men that can remove

Their mindes from making this a difmall day.

Thefe nine will now be aclors in this play,

And

New Englijli Canaan. 293

And Sumon Hidra to appeare anon

Before their zvitles Combination :

But his undaunted fpir it, nurfd with meate

Such as the Cecrops gave their babes to eate,

Scorn" d their bafe accons ; for with Cecrops charme

Hee knew he could defend himfelfe from harme

Of Minos, Eacus, and Radamand,

Princes of Limbo ; who mtifl out of hand

Confult bout Hidra, what mufl now be done :

Who, having fate in Counfcll, one by one

Retorne this anfwere to the Stiggcan feinds ;

And firfl grim Minos f pake : mofl loving freinds,

Hidra prognoflicks mine to ourflate

And that our Kingdome will grow defolate ;

But if one head from thence be lane away

The Body and the members will decay.

* To take in hand, quothx Eacus, this tafke, * 148

Is fuck as karebraind Phaeton did afke

Of Phebus, to begird tke world about ;

Which graunted put the Netherlands to rout ;

Prefumptious fooles leame wit at too much cojl,

For life and labotcre both at once hee lofl.

Sterne Radamantus, being lafl to fpeake,

Made a great hum and thus didfilence breake :

What if, with ratli7tg chaines or Iron bands,

Hidra be bound either by feete or hands,

And after, being laflid with fmarting rodds,

Hee be conveyd by Stix zcnlo the godds

1 [what] Seefuflra, in, note 1.

294 New Englifli Canaan.

To be accufed on the ripper ground
Of Lefcs Majeftatis, this crime found
T" will be tmpoffible front thence, I trow e,
Hidra fJiall come to trouble us below e.
This fentence pleafd the friends exceedingly,
That up they toft their bonnets, and did cry,
Long live our Court in great profperity.
The Seffwns ended, fome did flraight devife
Court Revells, antiques arid a zuorld ofj'oyes,
Brave Chriflmas gambols : 1 there was open hall
Kept to the full, and f port, the Divell and all :
Laboure 's defpifed, the loonies are laid away,
And this proclaim d the Stigean Holliday.
In came grim Mino, with his motly beard,
And brought a diflillation well prcpard ;
And Eacus, who is as fuer as text,
Came in with his preparatives the next ;
Then Radamantus, lafl and principall,
Fcafled the Worthies in his fumptuous hall.
* 1 49 * There Charon Cerberous and the rout of fcinds

Had lap enough : and fo their paflims ends.

THE ILLVSTRATIONS.

NOw to illuftrate this Poem, and make the fence more
plaine, it is to be confidered that the Perfons at
Ma-re-Mount were feaven, and they had feaven heads and

14.

1 "Brave Chriftmas gambols " were, in the Plymouth of 1628. (See Bradford,
it may be remarked, not greatly in vogue p. 112.)

New Englifli Canaan. 295

14. feete ; thefe were accounted Hidra with the feaven heads :
and the Maypole, with the Homes nailed neere the topp,
was the forked tayle of this fuppofed Monfter, which they
(for want of fkill) impofed : yet feared in time, (if they hun-
dred not mine Hoft), hee would hinder the benefit of their
Beaver trade, as hee had done, (by meanes of this helpe,) in
Kynyback river finely, ere they were awares ; who, com-
ming too late, were much difmaide to finde that mine Hoft
his boate had gleaned away all before they came ; which
Beaver is a fitt companion for Scarlett : and I beleeve that
Iafons golden Fleece was either the fame, or fome other
Fleece not of fo much value.

This action bred a kinde of hart burning in the Plim-
mouth Planters, who after fought occafion againft mine
Hoft to overthrowe his undertakings and to deftroy his
Plantation ; whome they accoumpted a maine enemy to
theire Church and State.

* Now when they had begunne with him, they # 1 50
thought beft to proceede : forafmuch as they thought
themfelves farre enough from any controule of Iuftice, and
therefore refolved to be their ovvne carvers : (and the rather
becaufe they prefumed upon fome incouragement they had
from the favourites of their Seel; in England : ) and with
fire and fword, nine in number, purfued mine Hoft, who
had efcaped theire hands, in fcorne of what they intended,
and betooke him to his habitation in a night of great
thunder and lightening, when they durft not follow him, as
hardy as thefe nine worthies feemed to be.

It was in the Moneth of Iune that thefe Marfhallifts had

appointed

296 New Englifh Canaan.

appointed to goe about this mifcheifous project, and deale
fo crabbidly with mine Hoft.

After a parly, hee capitulated with them about the quarter
they proffered him, if hee would confent to goe for England,
there to anfwere, (as they pretended,) fome thing they could
object againft him principall to the generall : But what it
would be hee cared not, neither was it any thing materiall.

Yet when quarter was agreed upon, they, contrary wife,
abufed him, and carried him to theire towne of Plimmouth,
where, (if they had thought hee durft have gone to Eng-
land,) rather then they would have bin any more affronted
by him they would have difpatched him, as Captaine Shrimp
in a rage profeft that hee would doe with his Piftoll, as mine
Hoft fhould fet his foote into the boate. Howfoever, the
cheife Elders voyce in that place was more powerfull
* 1 5 1 than any of the reft, who concluded * to fend mine
Hoft without any other thing to be done to him.
And this being the finall agreement, (contrary to Shrimpe
and others,) the nine Worthies had a great Feaft made, and
the furmity1 pott was provided for the boats gang by no
allowance : and all manner of paftime.

Captaine Shrimpe was fo overjoyed in the performance of
this exployt, that they had, at that time, extraordinary merri-
ment, (a thing not ufuall amongft thofe prefifians) ; and
when the winde ferved they tooke mine Hoft into their
Shallop, hoyfed Saile, and carried him to the Northern
parts ; where they left him upon a Ifland.

Chapter XVIII.

1 Supra, 163, note 1.

New Englifh Canaan. 297

Chap. XVIII.

Of a Doclor made at a Commencement in New Canaan}

THe Church of Plimmouth, having due regard to the
weale publike and the Brethren that were to come over,
and knowing that they would be bufily imployed to make
provifion for the cure of Soules, and therefore might neglect
the body for that time, did hold themfelves to be in duety
bound to make fearch for a fitting man, that might be able,
(if fo neede requir'd,) to take the chardge upon him in that
place of imployment : and therefore called a Counfell of the a Counceii
whole Synagoge : amongft which company, they chofe out a c
man that long time had bin nurft up in the tender
bofome of the Church: one that had # fpeciall gifts: * 152
hee could wright and reade ; nay, more : hee had
tane the oath of abjuration, which is a fpeciall ftepp, yea,
and a maine degree unto perferment. Him they weane,
and out of Phaos boxe 2 fitt him with fpeciall guifts of no
leffe worth : they ftile him Doctor, and forth they fend him
to gaine imployement and opinion.

What luck is it I cannot hit on his name : but I will give

you

1 The perfonage referred to, in this ment in the text. At Plymouth, befides

amufing but extremely fcurrilous chapter, being the phyfician of the colony, he

is Dr. Samuel Fuller. There is a notice was a magiftrate and a deacon of the

of Dr. Fuller in Young's Chron. of Pilg. church. He died there, of an infectious

(p. 222, note), and in Eliot's Biog. Dicl. fever, in 1633, and his beft poffible epi-

He was one of thofe who came over in taph is read in Bradford (p. 314) : " A

the Mayflower j but that he was born in man godly, and forward to do good,

the County of Somerfet, and bred a being much miffed after his death."

butcher, appears only from the ftate- 2 Infra, 345, note.

298 New Englifh Canaan.

you him by a periphrafis, that you may know him when you
meete him next.

Hee was borne at Wrington, in the County of Somerfet,
where hee was bred a Butcher. Hee weares a lono:e beard,
and a Garment like the Greeke that beQ-orl in Pauls
Church.1 This new made Doctor, comes to Salem to con-
gratulate : 2 where hee findes fome are newly come from Sea,
and ill at eafe.

He takes the patient, and the urinall : eies the State
there ; findes the Crafis Syptomes, and the attomi natan-
tes : and tells the patient that his difeafe was winde, which
hee had tane by gapeing feafting over board3 at Sea ; but hee
would quickly eafe him of that greife, and quite expell the
winde. And this hee did performe, with his gifts hee had :
and then hee handled the patient fo handfomely, that hee
eafed him of all the winde hee had in an inftant.

And yet I hope this man may be forgiven, if hee were
made a fitting Plant for Heaven.

How hee went to worke with his gifts is a queftion ; yet
hee did a great cure for Captaine Littleworth, hee cured
him of a difeafe called a wife : 4 and yet I hope this man

may

1 Paul's Walk, as the central nave likewife vifited Charleftown. (Young's
of old St. Paul's was called, was in the Chron, of Pilg., p. 222, note.)

reign of Charles I. much what a bufi- 8 This defcription of the ufual effect

nefs arcade is now. There is a vivid of fea-ficknefs I take to be peculiar to

defcription of it, with extracts from Morton.

writers of the time, in W. H. Ainf- 4 Endicott's firft wife was Anna Go-
worth's romance, Old St. PauPs (B. 11. ver, a coufin of Governor Cradock.
ch. 7). See alfo, Gardiner's Charles I. Little is known of her. She came to
(vol. ii. p. 11). New England with her hufband, and

2 The vifit of Dr. Fuller to Salem, died during the very early days of
referred to in the text, may have taken the fettlement, as fhe feems to have
place in 1628. Though lie was alfo there been in failing health in September,
in 1629 ; and again in 1630, when he 1628. Endicott was married to his

fecond

New Englifli Canaan. 299

may be forgiven, if fhee were made a fitting plant for
heaven.

*By this meanes hee was allowed 4. p. a moneth, * 153
and the chirgeon's cheft, and made Phifition generall
of Salem : where hee exercifed his gifts fo well, that of full
42. that there hee tooke to cure, there is not one has more
caufe to complaine, or can fay black 's his eie. This faved
Captaine Littleworths credit, that had truck'd away the
vittels : though it brought forth a fcandall on the Country
by it : and then I hope this man may be forgiven, if they
were all made fitting plants for Heaven.

But in mine opinion, hee deferves to be fet upon a palfrey
and lead up and downe in triumph throw new Canaan, with
a coller of Iurdans about his neck, as was one of like defert
in Richard the feconds time through the fireets of London,
that men might know where to finde a Ouackfaluer.1

Chapter XIX.

fecond wife Auguft 18, 1630; on the would indicate that the cafe had then

17th of the following month he fat among been handed down as a tradition for two

the magiftrates at Bofton in judgment hundred and fifty years. It feems that

upon the author of the New Canaan, Clerk gave Hacche a bit of old parch-

who had been "fent for" juft five days ment, rolled up in "a piece of cloth of

after the marriage, which feems to have gold," afferting that it was very good

taken place at Charleftown. (Winthrop, for the ailments with which his wife

vol. i. p. *3o ; Young's Chron. of Mafs., was afflicted. Upon being arraigned,

pp. 131,292; Supra, 43-4.) Clerk contended that upon the parch-

1 This was the cafe of Roger Clerk, ment was written "a good charm for

of Wandfworth, attached in the cham- fevers." Upon examination, no word

ber of the Guildhall of London, before of the alleged charm was found in the

the mayor and aldermen, on the 13th paper. The court then told the prifoner

of May, 1382, on a plea of deceit and "that a ftraw beneath his foot would

falfehood as to Roger atte Hacche. be of juft as much avail for fevers,

The record is to be found in Riley's as this charm of his was ; whereupon,

Memorials of London and London he fully granted that it would be fo.

Life (pp. 464-6), and is very curious as And becaufe that the fame Roger Clerk

illuftrating Englifli manners in the time was in no way a literate man, and fee-

of Richard II. Morton's reference ing that on the examinations aforefaid,

(as

300 New Englifli Canaan.

Chap. XIX.

Of the filencing of a Minifler in new Canaan}

filenced Minifler, out of coveteoufneffe,2 came over into
new Canaan to play the fpie : Hee pretended, out of

(as well as others afterwards made,)
lie was found to be an infidel, and alto-
gether ignorant of the art of phytic or
of furgery ; and to the end that the peo-
ple might not be deceived and aggrieved
by fuch ignorant perfons, etc. ; it was
adjudged "that the fame Roger Clerk
mould be led through the middle of the
City, with trumpets and pipes, he riding
on a horfe without a faddle, the faid
parchment and a whetftone, for his lies,
being hung about his neck, an urinal
alfo being hung before him, and another
urinal on his back."

The punifhment of the "pillory and
the whetftone," as it was called, was
that ordinarily impofed on thofe telling
falfehoods. In another cafe in the fame
volume (p. 316) it is thus given in de-
tail: "The faid John fhall come out
of Newgate without hood or girdle,
barefoot and unfhod, with a whetftone
hung by a chain from his neck, and
lying on his breaft, it being marked with
the words, — 'A falfe liar;' and there
fhall be a pair of trumpets trumpeting
before him on his way to the pillory."

1 The perfon referred to in this chap-
ter was probably the Rev. Francis
Bright, of whom very little is known.
He was one of the three minifters fent
over by the Maffachufetts Company in
1629, Higginfon and Skelton being the
other two. In June of that year, when
Graves and the Spragues were fent by
Endicott to effefl a fettlement at
Cliarleftown, Bright accompanied them
as "minifler to the Company's fervants."

(Young's Citron, of Afafs., pp. 316,
376.) As fuch, he was the Caiaphas,
or high-prieft, of that region, and it
naturally devolved on him to " exer-
cife his guifts on the Lords clay at
Weenafimute." Morton further fays
that the perfon he refers to had been
a filenced minifler in England. That
Bright had been filenced is not known,
but both Skelton and Higginfon had
been {Magnolia, B. 1. ch. iv. § 4;
Neal's Hifl. of Puritans, vol. ii. p. 229);
and. though Hubbard intimates that
Bright was a conformift (p. 113), yet,
in the Company's letter to Endicott, the
three minifters are ftated to have "de-
clared themfelves to us to be of one
judgment, and to be fully agreed on the
manner how to exercife their miniftry."
(Young's Chron. ofPilg., p. 160.) Win-
throp, Morton adds, "fpied out Caiphas
praclife ; and he muft be packing."
Bright returned to England fhortly after
Winthrop's arrival. Johnfon fays (Won.
der-working Providence, p. 20) that he
"betooke him to the Seas againe,"
when he faw that "all forts of ftones
would not fit in the building."

Samuel Skelton is referred to by
Morton a few pages further on (Infra,
306) as " Paftor Mafter Eager," which
name maybe taken to imply "covetouf-
nefs " in him. But, though Skelton
might be termed the "Caiphas" of the
country, he was not filenced by Win-
throp. He can, therefore, hardly be the
perfon here aimed at.

2 [courtcoufnefle.] St&fuftra, I II, «. I.

New Englifh Canaan, 301

a zealous intent to doe the Salvages good, and to teach
them. Hee brought a great Bundell of Home books with
him, and carefull hee was, (good man,) to blott out all the
croffes of them, for feare leaft the people of the land mould
become Idolaters. Hee was in hope, with his gifts, to
prepare a great auditory againft greate Iofua mould arive
there.

* Hee applyed himfelfe on the weeke dayes to the * 154
trade of Beaver, but it was, (as might feeme,) to
purchafe the principall benefite of the Lande, when the time
fhould come ; for hee had a hope to be the Caiphas of the
Country: and well hee might, for hee was higher by the
head than any of his tribe that came after him.

This man, it feemes, played the fpie very handfomely ; for
in the exercife of his guifts on the Lords day at Weenafi- This caiphas
mute,1 hee efpied a Salvage come in with a good Beaver Jemmth co-
coate, and tooke occafion to reproove the covetous defire of «2£^#.
his auditory to trade for Beaver on thofe dayes ; which jg£d him'
made them all ufe fo much modefty about the matter for the
prefent, that hee found opportunity, the fame day, to take
the Salvage a fide into a corner, where (with the helpe of
his Wampampeack hee had in his pocket for that purpofe
in a readineffe,) hee made a fhifte to get that Beaver coate,
which their mouthes watered at ; and fo deceaved them all.

But fhortly after, when Iofua2 came into the Land, hee
had foone fpied out Caiphas praclife, and put him to filence ;

and

1 Sufira, 229, note 3, and 300, note 1. Morton always defignates Governor

2 Iofua Temperwell. Under this name John Winthrop.

302 New Englifh Canaan.

and either hee muft put up his pipes and be packing, or

forfake Ionas pofture, and play

Demas part alltoge-

ther.1

*i55 *Chap. XX.

Of the Praclife of the Seperatifls to gett a fnare to hamper

mine Hojl of Ma-re-Mount.

Lthough the nine Worthies had left mine Hofte upon
an Ifland,2 in fuch an inhumane manner as yee heard
before ; yet when they underftood that hee had got fhipping
and was gone to England of his owne accord, they dif-
patched letters of advife to an Agent they had there : and
by the next fhipp fent after to have a fnare made, that
might hamper mine Hoft fo as hee might not any more
trouble theire confcience : and to that end made a generall
Thegeneraii collection of Beaver to defray the chardge,3 and hee was not
made"" thought a good Chriftian that would not lay much out for
that imployment.

Some contributed three pounds, fome foure, fome five
pounds; and procured a pretty quantity by that Devife,
which fhould be given to a cunning man that could make
a fnare to hamper him. -p,

1 Caiaphas was the high-prieft of the mentioned by Paul as a fellow-difciple

Jews; Jonas, or Jonah, was the firft who had forfaken him, "having loved

Hebrew prophet fcnt to a heathen na- this prefent world, and is departed unto

tion. The propriety of thefe two Bibli- ThefTalonica." (II. Timothy iv. 10.)

cal allufions in this connection is, there- 2 Supra, *I44> *I5I-

fore, apparent enough. The allufion to 3 Supra, 30.
Demas is more obfcure, as he is only

New Rngli/Ii Canaan. 303

The Agent, (according to his directions,) does his endeav-
oure, (in the beft manner hee could,) to have this inftrument Noecojifpa-
made : and ufed no little diligence to have it effected.1 His getting of a
reputation flood upon the tafke impofed upon him againfV '•'"'
mine Hoft, the onely enemy (accounted) of their Church
and State.

Much inquiry was made in London, and about, for a
fkillfull man that would worke the feate. Noe coft
* was fpared, for gold hee had good ftore : firfh hee * 156
inquires of one, and then another : at the laft hee
heard newes of a very famous man, one that was excellent
at making fubtile inftruments, fuch as that age had never
bin acquainted with.

Hee was well knowne to be the man, that had wit and
wondrous fkill to make a cunning inftrument where with to
fave himfelfe and his whole family, if all the world befides
mould be drown'd ; and this the beft ; yea, and the beft.
cheap too, for, no good done, the man would nothing take.

To him this agent goes, and praies his aide : Declares his
caufe, and tells the fubftance of his greivance, all at large,
and laid before his eies a heape of gold.

When all was fhewd, that could be fhe'd, and faid, what
could be faid, and all too little for to have it done, the a°;ent The heape of
then did fee his gold refufed, his caufe defpifed, and thought s°
himfelfe difgraced to leave the worke undone : fo that hee
was much difmaid, yet importun'd the cunning [man], who
found no reafon to take the tafke in hand.

Hee thought, perhaps, mine Hoft, (that had the flight to

efcape from the nine Worthies, to chaine Argus eies, and by

inchauntment
1 Supra, 35.

304

New Englifh Canaan.

Mine Hojl
arrived a-
gaine in
Plimmouth,

inchauntment make the doores of the watch tower fly open
at an inftant,) would not be hampered, but with much a
doe : and fo hee was unwilling to be troubled with that
tafke.

The agent wondring to fee that his gold would doe no
good, did afke the cunning man if hee could give him no

advife ? who faid, hee would : and what was that,
* 157 thinke you? To let mine Hofl alone. Who, * being

fhip'd againe for the parts of New Canaan, was put
in at Plimmouth in the very faces of them, to their terrible
amazement to fee him at liberty : and told him hee had not
yet fully anfvvered the matter they could object againft him.
Hee onely made this modeft reply, that hee did perceave
they were willfull people, that would never be anfwered :
and derided them for their praclifes and loffe of laboure.1

Chap. XXI.

Charter par-
ty Treaforer.

Of Captaine Littleworth his new dcvife for the purchafe of

Beaver.

N the meane time, whiles
there was a great fwellin
over to Salem, (by the helpe
Treforer, and Matter Ananias

1 Supra, 37.

2 By this name Morton defignates
Matthew Cradock, the firft Governor
of the Maffachufetts Bay Company,
though he never came to America.
Cradock was a wealthy London mer-

thefe former paffages were,

g fellow, of Littleworth, crept

of Mailer Charter party,2 the

Increafe,3 the Collector for the

Company

chant, and as fuch fubfcribed largely to
the funds of the company. In regard
to him, fee Dr. Young's note in CJiron.
of Mafs. (p. 137).

3 It is not clear who Morton may
have intended to dehgnate by this

name.

New Englijli Canaan, 305

Company of Seperatifts,) to take upon him their imploy-
ments for a time.

Hee, refolving to make hay whiles the Sonne did thine,
firft pretended himfelfe to be fent over as cheife Iuftice of the
Maffachuffets Bay and Salem, forfoth, and tooke unto him a
councell ; and a worthy one no doubt, for the Cowkeeper of
Salem was a prime man in thofe imployments ; and to ad
a Majefty, (as hee thought,) to his new affumed dignity, hee
caufed the Patent of the Maffachuffets, (new brought into
the Land,) to be carried where hee went in his progreffe
to and froe, as an embleme of his authority: which
*the vulgar people, not acquainted with, thought it to * 158
be fome inftrument of Mufick locked up in that cov-
ered cafe,1 and thought, (for fo fome faid,) this man of little-
worth had bin a fidler, and the rather becaufe hee had put

into

name. John Wafhburne was the fecre- ernor Winthrop is fuppofed to have

tary and "collector for the company" brought over the charter of 1629, is ftill

at the time Endicott was fent over, but to be feen in the office of the Secre-

of him nothing is known. (Young's tary of the Commonwealth at the State

Chron. of Mafs., p. 55.) It would fee m Houfe in Bofton ; and that in which

more probable that Increafe Nowell Endicott brought over the patent of

was the perfon Morton had in mind. 1628 was, it may be inferred from the

Nowell was one of the original paten- text, fimilar in appearance. It very

tees, contributing money to forward the much refembles the cafe for " fome in-

purpofes of the company, ferving on ftrument of mufick," being a flat, nar-

committees, &c. (/<£., p. 262.) He row box, 2 feet 10 inches long, by 3%

came to New England with Winthrop, inches wide and 3 inches deep. It has

and was among the magiftrates who a fpecies of circular annex, fo to fpeak,

were prefent at the trial of Morton in at its middle, intended to contain the feal.

September, 1630. (Records, vol. i. This annex, like the box, is of wood,

PP- 73) 7S-) He was the firft ruling- and is 7 by 8 inches in furface, and the

elder of the Charleftown church. He fame in depth as the main cafe, of which

is defcribed as having been "a worthy it is a part. The whole is covered with

pious man " (Eliot) ; and if he was the ftamped leather, now brown and mould-

perfon intended by Morton, — which is ered with age. There are, however,

not at all clear, — the propriety of call- fome things about this cafe which fug-

ing him Ananias, if it refts on anything, geft doubts as to its having been made

is not apparent from the record. quite fo early as the time of Charles I.
1 The " covered cafe," in which Gov-

306

New Englifh Canaan.

Warrants
made by
Capt. Little-
•worth in his
name.

into the mouthes of poore filly things, that were fent alonge
with him, what fkill hee had in Engines, and in things of
quaint devife : all which prooved in conclufion to be but
impoftury.

This man, thinking none fo worthy as himfelfe, tooke
upon him infinitely : and made warrants in his owne name,
(without relation to his Majefties authority in that place,)
and fummoned a generall apparance at the worfhipfull towne
of Salem : x there in open affembly was tendered certaine
Articles, devifed betweene him and theire new Paftor Mafter
Eager,2 (that had renounced his old calling to the Miniflry
receaved in England, by warrant of Gods word, and taken a
new one there, by their fantafticall way impofed, and con-
ferred upon him with fome fpeciall guifts had out of Phaos
boxe.) 3

To thefe Articles every Planter, old and new, muft figne,
or be expelled from any manner of aboade within the Com-
pas of the Land contained within that graunt then mewed :
which was fo large it would fuffice for Elbow roome for more
then were in all the Land by 700000. fuch an army might
have planted them a Colony with [in] that cirquit which hee
challenged, and not contend for roome for their Cattell.
But for all that, hee that mould refufe to fubfcribe, muff,
pack.

The tenor of the Articles were thefe : That in all

caufes,

1 In regard to this meeting at Salem, 2 Seefiefira 300, note 1.
and the aftion taken at it, fee fupra, 8 This refers to the famous Salem

38-40. No record or other mention of ordination of Skelton and Higginfon,

it, except that contained in the text, has July 20 and Auguft 6, 1629 ; in regard

come down to us. to which fee Palfrey, vol. i. pp. 295-6.

New Englifh Canaan. 307

* caufes, as well Ecclefiafticall as Politically weeJJiould * 159
follow the rule of Gods word.

This made a mew of a good intent, and all the affembly, Mine mji
(onely mine Holt replyed,) did fubfcribe : hee would not, £?/"
unleffe they would ad this Caution : So as nothing be done
contrary or repugnant to the Lawes of the Kingdome of Eng-
land. Thefe words hee knew, by former experience, were
neceffary, and without thefe the fame would proove a very
moufetrapp to catch fome body by his owne confent, (which
the reft nothing fufpected,) for the conftruction of the worde
would be made by them of the Seperation to ferve their
owne turnes : and if any man mould, in fuch a cafe, be
accufed of a crime, (though in it felfe it were petty,) they
might fet it on the tenter hookes of their imaginary gifts,
and ftretch it to make it feeme cappitall ; which was the rea-
fon why mine Hoft refufed to fubfcribe.

It was then agreed upon that there fhould be one generall The Patent.
trade ufed within that Patent, (as hee faid,) and a generall
ftock : and every man to put in a parte : and every man, for
his perfon, to have fhares alike : and for their ftock, accord-
ing to the ratable proportion was put in : and this to con-
tinue for 12. moneths, and then to call an accompt.

All were united, but mine Hoft refufed : two truckmafters
were chofen ; wages prefixed ; onely mine Hoft put in a Aiicon/ented
Caviat that the wages might be paid out of the cleare Hoft"
profBt, which there in black and white was plainely put
downe.

* But before the end of 6. moneths, the partners in * 160
this ftock, (handled by the Truckmafters,) would
have an accoumpt : fome of them had perceaved that Wam-

pambeacke

308 New Engli/Ii Canaan.

pambeacke could be pocketted up, and the underlings, (that
went in the boats alonge,) would bee neere the Wifer for
any thinge, but what was trucked for Beaver onely.
infteedof The accoumpt being made betweene Captaine Little-
/r^». worth, and the two Truckmafters, it was found that inftead
of increafing the proffit, they had decreafed it ; for the
principall flock, by this imployment, was freetted fo, that
there was a great hole to be feene in the very middle of it,
which coft the partners afterwards one hundred markes to
flopp and make good to Captaine Littleworth.

But mine Hofl, that flurred not his foote at all for the
matter, did not onely fave his flock from fuch a Cancar, but
gained fixe and feaven for one : in the meane time hee
derided the Contributers for being catch'd in that fnare.

Chap. XXII.

Of a Sequeflration made in New Canaan}

CAptaine Littleworth, (that had an akeing tooth at mine
Hofl of Ma-re-Mount,) devifed how hee might put a
trick upon him, by colour of a Sequeflration ; and got fome
perfons to pretend that hee had corne and other
* 161 goods of theirs in poffeffion ; and the * rather becaufe
mine Hofl had ftore of corne and hee had improv-
idently truckt his ftore for the prefent gaine of Beaver ; in fo
much that his people under his chardge were put to fliort
allowance, which caufed fome of them to ficken with con-

ceipt

1 Supra, 41-2.

New Englifh Canaan. 309

ceipt of fuch ufeage, and fome of them by the practife of the
new entertained Doclor Noddy, with his Imaginary gifts.
They fent therefore to exhibit a petition to grim Minos,
Eacus and Radamant, where they wimed to have the author
of their greife to be convented : * and they had procured it
quickly, if curfes would have caufed it : for good prayers
would be of no validity, (as they fuppofed,) in this extremity.

Now in this extremity Capt. Littleworth gave commiffion
to fuch as hee had found ready for fuch imployments to Commijwn
enter in the howfe at Ma-re-Mount, and, with a fhallop, to
bring from thence fuch corne and other utenfilles as in their
commiffion hee had fpecified. But mine Hoft, wary to pre-
vent eminent mifcheife, had conveyed his powther and fhott,
(and fuch other things as flood him in moft fleed for his pref-
ent condition,) into the woods for fafety: and, whiles this
was put in praftife by him, the fhallop was landed and the
Commiffioners entred the howfe, and willfully bent againft
mine honeft Hoft, that loved good hofpitality. After they had Mine Hojis
feafted their bodies with that they found there, they carried wrteTj™'*
all his corne away, with fome other of his goods, contrary to byvwlence-
the Lawes of hofpitality : a fmale parcell of refufe corne
onely excepted, which they left mine Hoft to keepe Chrift-
mas with.

* But when they were gone, mine Hoft fell to make * 162
ufe of his gunne, (as one that had a good faculty in
the ufe of that inftrument,) and feafted his body neverthe-
leffe with fowle and venifon, which hee purchafed with the
helpe of that inftrument, the plenty of the Country and
the commodioufnes of the place affording meanes, by the

bleffmg

1 [converted] Seefufira 1 1 1, note i.

rway

310 New Englifh Canaan.

bleffmg of God ; and hee did but deride Captaine Little-
worth, that made his fervants fnap fhorte in a Country fo
much abounding with plenty of foode for an induftrious
man, with greate variety.

Chap. XXIII.

Of a great Bonfire made for toy of the arrivall of great
Iofua, furnamed Temperwell, into the Land of Canaan}

SEaven fhipps fet forth at once, and altogether arrived
in the Land of Canaan, to take a full poffeffion thereof :
What are all the 12. Tribes of new Ifraell come? No,
none but the tribe of Iffacar, and fome few fcattered Le-
vites of the remnant of thofe that were defcended of old
Elies howfe.

And here comes their Iofua too among them ; and they
make it a more miraculous thing for thefe feaven fhipps to
fet forth together, and arrive at New Canaan together, then
it was for the Ifraelites to goe over Iordan drifhod : per-
haps it was, becaufe they had a wall on the right hand and

a wall on the left hand.
* 163 * Thefe Seperatifts fuppofe there was no more
difficulty in the matter then for a man to finde the
way to the Counter at noone dayes, betweene a Sergeant

and

1 The arrival of Winthrop's fleet in he difliked him, always refers to Win-
June, 1630, is here referred to. It has throp, if not with refpe<5t, yet with a
already been ftated that Iofua Temper- certain reftraint of tone and infinuation
well is intended for Governor Winthrop. which he did not fliow to others, fuch
It will be noticed that Morton, much as as Endicott, Fuller and Standifh.

New Englifh Canaan, 3 l J

and his yeoman : Now you may thinke mine Hofl will be
hamperd or never.

Thefe are the men that come prepared to ridd the Land Men that
of all pollution. Thefe are more fubtile then the Cunning, ^Tw"/
that did refufe a goodly heap of gold.1 Thefe men have ^^
brought a very fnare indeed ; and now mine Hoft muft fuffer.
The book of Common Prayer, which hee ufed, to be defpifed :
and hee muft not be fpared.

Now they are come, his doome before hand was concluded
on : they have a warrant now : A cheife one too : and now
mine Hoft muft know hee is the fubject of their hatred : the
Snare muft now be ufed ; this inftrument muft not be brought
by Iofua in vaine.2

A Court is called of purpofe for mine hoft : hee there a Courtc
convented, and muft heare his doome before hee goe : nor mi„e Hoft.
will they admitt him to capitulate, and know wherefore they
are fo violent to put fuch things in praclife againft a man
they never faw before : nor will they allow of it, though hee
decline their Iurifdiction.

There they all with one affent put him to filence, cry- a diveiufk

s-> 1 1 /— i fait aice fl-

ing out, heare the Governour, heare the Govern : who ^ainji him.

gave this fentence againft mine Hoft at firft fight: that he

fhould be firft put in the Billbowes, his goods fhoukl be all

confifcated, his Plantation fhould be burned downe to the

ground, becaufe the habitation of the wicked fhould

no more appeare in Ifraell, and * his perfon banifhed * 164

from thofe territories ; and this put in execution with

all fpeede.3 ^jie

1 Supra, *I56. to the Lords of the Council. (Proc. of

2 Supra, 47. See, alfo, the petition of Mafs. Hifi. Soc. 1860-2, p. 133.)
Window, while a prifoner in the Fleet, 3 Supra, 43-5.

312 New Engli/Ii Canaan.

The Salvages

reproove

them.

Epicletus
fumma to-

tiits Philofo-
fhice.

The harmeles Salvages, (his neighboures,) came the while,
(greived, poore filly lambes, to fee what they went about,)
and did reproove thefe Eliphants of witt for their inhumane
deede : the Lord above did open their mouthes like Balams
Affe, and made them fpeake in his behalf e fentences of
unexpected divinity, befides morrallity ; and tould them that
god would not love them that burned this good mans howfe;
and plainely fayed that they who were new come would finde
the want of fuch a howfes in the winter : fo much themfelves
to him confeft.

The fmoake that did affend appeared to be the very
Sacrifice of Kain. Mine Hoft, (that a farre of abourd a fhip
did there behold this wofull fpeclacle,) knew not what hee
mould doe in this extremity but beare and forbeare, as Epic-
tetus fayes J : it was booteleffe to exclaime.

Hee did confider then thefe tranfitory things are but ludi-
bria fortunes? as Cicero calls them. All was burnt downe to
the ground, and nothing did remaine but the bare allies as
an embleme of their cruelty : and unles it could, (like to
the Phenix,) rife out of thefe allies and be new againe, (to
the immortall glory and renowne of this fertile Canaan the

new,)

1 T. W. Higginfon, who in 1866 pub-
lifhed a tranflation of Epictetus, fur-
nifhes me the following note on this
allufion : " The phrafe ' bear and for-
bear ' has always been received as the
formula efpecially characteriftic of Epic-
tetus. It is moft explicitly preferved to
us in the Nocles Attica of Aulus Gellius
(B. xvii. ch. xix. §§ 5-6). Gellius fays :
' Verba duo dicebat : ' hv^v k<u «7rex"^'
having previoufly explained their mean-
ing. There was in 1634 no Englifh

tranflation of any portion of Epicletus
containing the phrafe ; nor was he an
author then much read at the Englifh
univerfities. Morton probably, there-
fore, got the quotation from the Latin
of Aulus Gellius ; if, indeed, he did not
pick it up in liftening to the talk of
fome more fcholarly man, — poffibly
Ben Jonfon."

2 I lie haec ludibria fortunae, ne fua
quidem putavit, quae nos appelamus
etiam bona. (Paradoxa, I. 1.)

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 3r3

new,) the ftumpes and poftes in their black liveries will
mourne ; and piety it felfe will add a voyce to the bare
remnant of that Monument, and make it cry for recom-
pence, (or elfe revenge,) againft the Seel; of cruell Schif-
maticks.

*Chap. XXIV. * 165

Of the digrading and creating gentry in New Canaan}

THere was a zealous Profeffor in the Land of Canaan,
(growne a great Merchant in the Beaver trade,) that
came over for his confeience fake, (as other men have done,)
and the meanes, (as the phrafe is,) who in his minority had
bin prentice to a tombe maker; who, comming to more
ripenes of yeares, (though leffe difcretion,) found a kinde of
fcruple in his confeience that the trade was in parte againfl
the fecond commandement : 2 and therefore left it off wholely,
and betooke himfelfe to fome other imployments.

In the end hee fettled upon this courfe, where hee had
hope of preferrement, and become one of thofe things that
any Iudas might hange himfelfe upon, that is an Elder. An Eider.

Hee had bin a man of fome recconing in his time, (as
himfelfe would boaft,) for hee was an officer, juft under the

Exchequer

1 I am unable to fuggeft any explana- difpleafure " of Governor Winthrop and

tion of the allufions contained in this was degraded.

chapter. There is no apparent clew 2 "Thou fhalt not make unto thee

either to the " zealous Profeffor " whofe any graven image, or any likenefs of

confeience did not permit him to cut anything that is in heaven above, or

tombftones, or to the "gentleman newly that is in the earth beneath, or that is

come into the land," who " incurred the in the water under the earth."

3 1 4 New Englifli Canaan.

Exchequer at Weftminfter, in a place called Phlegeton : there
hee was comptroller, and converfed with noe plebeians, I
tell you, but fuch as have angels or their attendance, (I
meane fome Lawyers with appertenances, that is, Clarks,)
with whome a Iugg of Beare and a crufty rolle in the terme

is as currant as a three penny fcute at Hall time.
* 1 66 * There is another place thereby, called flicks : thefe
are two daingerous places, by which the infernall gods
doe fweare : but this of Sticks is the more daingerous of the
two, becaufe there, (if a man be once in,) hee cannot tell how
to get out againe handfomely

I knew an under fheriff was in unawaires, and hee laboured
to be free of it : yet hee broake his back before he got fo
farre as quietus eft : There is no fuch danger in Phlegeton,
where this man of fo much recconing was comptroller.
io/ua di/- Hee being here, waited an opportunity to be made a

pua/ed. gentl. and now it fell out that a gentl. newly come into the

land of Canaan, (before hee knew what ground hee flood
upon,) had incurred the difpleafure of great Iofua fo highly
that hee mult therefore be digraded.

No reconciliation could be had for him : all hopes were
pafl for that matter : Where upon this man of much rec-
coning (pretending a graunt of the approach in avoydance,)
helpes the lame dogge over the flile, and was as jocund on
the matter as a Magpie over a Mutton.

Wherefore the Heralls, with Drums, and Trumpets, pro-
claiming in a very folemne manner that it was the pleafure of
Majier great Iofua, (for divers and fundry very good caufes and con-

Temperwdl. flderationS5 Mafler Temperwell thereunto efpecially moov-
ing,) to take away the title, prerogative and preheminence

New Rngli/Ii Canaan. 3 1 5

of the Delinquent, fo unworthy of it, and to place the fame
upon a Profeffor of more recconing : fo that it was
made * a penall thing for any man after to lifte the * 167
fame man againe on the top of that ftile, but that
hee mould Hand perpetually digraded from that prerogative.
And the place by this meanes being voyde, this man, of fo
much more reckoning, was receaved in like a Cypher to fill
up a roome, and was made a Gentleman of the firft head ;
and his Coate of Armes, blazon'd and tricked out fit for that
purpofe, in this Poem following.

THE POEM.

WHat ailes Pigmalion? Is it Lunacy ;
Or Doteage on his owne Imagery ?
Let him remember how hee came from Hell,
That after ages by record may tell

The compleate Jlory to poflerity.

Blazon his Coate in forme of Heraldry.

Hee beareth argent alwaies at commaund, Put a this

A barre betweene three crufly rolls at hand, way'

And, for his crefl, with froth, there does appeare
Dextra Paw Elevant a Iugg of beare.

Now, that it may the more eafily be underftood, I have
here endeavoured to fet it forth in thefe illuftrations follow-
ing : Pigmalion was an Image maker, who, doteing on his
owne perfection in making the Image of Venus, grew to be

3 16 New Englifh Canaan.

a mazed man, like our Gentleman here of the firft head : and
by the figure Antonomafia x is hee herein exemplified.

Hee was tranflated from a tombe maker to be the
* 1 68 * tapfter at hell, (which is in Weftminfter, under the
Ex-Chequer office,) for benefit of the meanes hee
tranflated himfelfe into New England, where, by the help of
Beaver and the commaund of a fervant or two, hee was
advaunced to the title of a gentleman ; where I left him
to the exercife of his guifts.

Chap. XXV.

Of the manner how the Seperatifls doe pay debts to them
that are without}

THere was an honeft man, one Mr. Innocence Faire-
cloath,3 by Mr. Mathias Charterparty fent over into
New Canaan, to raife a very good marchantable commodity

for

1 "Antonomafia (JViet.). The ufe are found ufing it (Bradford, pp. 184,
of the name of fome office, dignity, pro- 187) exadly as Morton ufes it, who
feffion, fcience or trade, inftead of the probably picked it up at Plymouth,
proper name of the perfon ; as where 3 Innocence Fairecloath is the name
his majcjly is ufed for a king, or his under which Morton alludes to Philip
lord/hip for a nobleman, or when, in- Ratcliff. This man was a fervant or
ftead of Ariflotle, we fay the philofo- agent of Governor Matthew Cradock.
pher; or, converfely, the ufe of a proper He got into trouble with Endicott and
name inftead of an appellative, as where the members of the Salem church, and,
a wife man is called a Cato, or an emi- according to Winthrop, "being convicl,
nent orator a Cicero, the application ore terms, of moft foul, fcandalous in-
being fupported by a refemblance in veflives againft our churches and gov-
charafter." (Web/ler.) ernment, was cenfured to be whipped,

2 The phrafe " them that are with- lofe his ears, and be banifhed the plan-
out [the church] " calls for no explnna- tation, which was prefently executed."
tion. It was common in early New (p. *$6.) Another authority fpeaks of
England, and both Lyford and Bradford the offence as a " moft horible blaf-

phemy."

New Englijli Canaan. 317

for his benefit ; for, whiles the man was bound by covenant
to flay for a time, and to imploy fuch fervants as did there
belong to Mr. Charterparty,1 hee difdained the tenents of the
Seperatifts: and they alfo, (finding him to be none,) dif-
dained to be imployed by a carnall man, (as they termed
him,) and fought occafion againft him, to doe him a mif.
cheife. Intelligence was conveyed to Mr. Charterparty that
this man was a member of the Church of England, and
therefore, (in their account,) an enemy to their Church and
ftate. And, (to the end they might have fome coloure
againft him,) fome of them practifed to get into his debte,
which hee, not miftrufting, fuffered, and gave credit for fuch
Commodity as hee had fold at a price. When the day of
payment came, infteede of monyes, hee, being at that time
fick and weake and flood in neede of the Beaver hee had Goode Paye-
contracled for, hee had an Epiftle full of zealous
exhortations to provide for the foule ; and * not to # 169
minde thefe tranfitory things that perilhed with the
body, and to bethinke himfelfe whether his confcience would
be fo prompt to demaund fo greate a fomme of Beaver as

had

phemy." (m. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. viii. the next year Edward Howes wrote out

p. 323.) In the Records of Majfachii- to John Winthrop, Jr. : " I have heard

fetts (p. 88), under date of June 14 diverfe complaints againft the feveritie

(24 n. s.), 1631, the fentence read as of your Government efpecially Mr. In-

follows : "It is ordered, that Philip dicutts, and that he fhalbe fent for over,

Ratcliffe fhall be whipped, have his about cuttinge off the Lunatick mans

ears cut off, fined 40 1., and banifhed eares, and other grievances." (in.

out of the limits of this jurifdiftion, for Mafs. Hifl. Cell., vol. ix. p. 244.) In

uttering malicious and fcandalous regard to Ratcliff s fubfequent connec-

fpeeches againft the government and tion with the Gorges-Mafon attacks on

the church of Salem, &c, as appear- the company before the Privy Council,

eth by a particular thereof, proved upon fee fupra, 50-2, 62, and Proceedings of

oath." The feverity of this fentence Mafs. Hifl. Soc, vol. xx., January meet-

caufed much fcandal in England after ing, 1883.
Ratcliff returned there, and in April of * Seefuflra 304, note 2.

3 1 8 New Englifh Canaan.

had bin contracted for. Hee was further exhorted therein to
confider hee was but a fteward for a time, and by all likely
hood was going to give up an accompt of his ftewardfhip :
and therfore perfwaded the creditor not to load his con-
fcience with fuch a burthen, which hee was bound by the
Gofpell to eafe him of (if it were poffible ;) and for that caufe
hee had framed this Epiftle in fuch a freindly maner to put
him in minde of it. The perufall of this, (lap'd in the paper,)
was as bad as a potion to the creditor, to fee his debtor Maf-
ter Subtilety (a zealous profeffor as hee thought) to deride
him in this extremity, that hee could not chufe, (in admira-
tion of the deceipt,) but caft out thefe words :

Are thefe youre members ? if they be all like thefe, I
beleeve the Divell was the fetter of their Church.

This was called in queftion when Mr. Fairecloath leaft
thought of it. Capt. Littleworth muft be the man muft
preffe it againft him, for blafphemy againft the Church of
Salem : and to greate Iofua Temperwell hee goes with a
Biifphemy bitter accufation, to have Mafter Innocence made an exam-
a/lrXcarnJi pie for all carnall men to prefume to fpeake the leaft word
that might tend to the difhonor of the Church of Salem ;
yea, the mother Church of all that holy Land.

And hee convented was before their Synagoge, where no
defence would ferve his turne ; yet was there none to be

feene to accufe him, fave the Court alone.
* 170 * The time of his ficknes, nor the urgent caufe,
were not allowed to be urg'd for him ; but whatfoever
could be thought upon againft him was urged, feeing hee
was a carnall man, of them that are without. So that it
feemes, by thofe proceedings there, the matter was adjudged

before

New Englijli Canaan. 3 1 9

before he came : Hee onely brought to heare his fentence
in publicke : which was, to have his tongue bored through ;
his nofe flit; his face branded; his eares cut; his body to
be whip'd in every feverall plantation of their Iurifdiction ;
and a fine of forty pounds impof'd, with perpetuall banifh-
ment : and, (to execute this vengeance,) Shackles,1 (the Dea-
con of Charles Towne,) was as ready as Mephoftophiles, when
Doctor Fauflus was bent upon mifcheife.

Hee is the purfer generall of New Canaan, who, (with his
whipp, with knotts moft terrible,) takes this man unto the
Counting howfe : there capitulates with him why hee fhould
be fo hafty for payment, when Gods deare children muft pay
as they are able : and hee weepes, and fobbes, and his hand-
kercher walkes as a figne of his forrow for Mafter Faire-
cloaths finne, that hee fhould beare no better affection to the
Church and the Saints of New Canaan : and ftrips Inno-
cence the while, and comforts him.

Though hee be made to flay for payment, hee fhould not

thinke

1 The firft two deacons of the church bered that, thirteen years later, "two of

at Charleftown were Robert Hale and our minifters' fons, being ftudents in

Ralph Monfall. The Charleftown church, the college, robbed two dwelling-houfes

however, was not organized until No- in the night of fome pounds. Being

vember, 1632, fixteen months after Rat- found out, they were ordered by the

cliff's punifhment. (Budington's Firft gouvernours of the college to be there

Church of Charleftown, pp. 31, 34.) whipped, which was performed by the

The Bofton church in June, 1631, had president himfelf — yet they were about

but one deacon, William Afpinwall 20 years of age." (Winthrop, vol. ii.

(Ellis's Firft Church of Bofton, p. 328), p. *i66.) If the prefident of the college

in regard to whom there is a detailed could officiate at the whipping-poft in

note in Savage's Winthrop (p. *32). He 1644, in a cafe of what Winthrop calls

was the deacon of the Charleftown "burglary," there feems no good reafon

church at the time Morton was ar- why the deacon of the church fhould

raigned and punifhed, and it is poffible not have officiated there in 1631 in a

that Morton refers to him as Shackles, cafe which the fame authority calls

Afpinwall was a man of prominence in "foul, fcandalous inveclives againft our

the fettlement ; but it muft be remem- churches."

320 New Engli/Ii Canaan.

thinke it longe ; the payment would be fure when it did

come, and hee fliould have his clue to a doite ; hee fhould

Notable Pay. not wifli for a token more; And then tould it him downe

in fuch manner that hee made Fairecloaths Innocent back

like the picture of Rawhead and blowdy bones, and
* 1 7 1 his fliirte like a * pudding wifes aperon. In this

imployment Shackles takes a greate felicity, and glo-
ries in the praclife of it. This cruell fentence was ftoped in
part by Sir Chriftopher Gardiner, (then prefent at the execu-
tion,) by expoftulating with Matter Temperwell : who was
content, (with that whipping and the cutting of parte of his
eares,) to fend Innocence going, with the loffe of all his
goods, to pay the fine impofed, and perpetuall banifhment
out of their Lands of New Canaan, in terrorem populi.

Loe this is the payment you fhall get, if you be one of
them they terme, without.

Chap. XXVI.

Of the Charity of the Scpcratifls.

CHarity is fayd to be the darling of Religion, and is
indeed the Marke of a good Chriftian : But where we
doe finde a Commiffion for miniftring to the neceffity of the
Saints, we doe not finde any prohibition againft carting our
bread upon the waters, where the unfanctified, as well as the
fanclified, are in poffibility to make ufe of it.

I cannot perceave that the Seperatifts doe allowe of help-
ing our poore, though they magnify their pracrtife in con-
tributing to the nourifhmcnt of their Saints ; For as much

New Englifli Canaan. 3 2 1

as fome that are of the number of thofe whom they terme

without, (though it were in cafe of fickneffe,) upon

theire landing, when a little frefh * victuals would * 172

have recovered their healths, yet could they not finde

any charitable affiftance from them. Nay, mine Hofl of

Ma-re-Mount, (if hee might have had the ufe of his gunne,

powther and fhott, and his dogg, which were denied,) hee

doubtles would have preferved fuch poore helples wretches

as were neglected by thofe that brought them over ; which Lame charity.

was fo apparent, (as it feemed,) that one of their owne tribe

faid, the death of them would be required at fome bodies

hands one day, (meaning Mafter Temperwell.)

But fuch good muft not come from a carnall man : if it
come from a member, then it is a fanctified worke ; if other-
wife, it is rejected as unfanclified.

But when Shackles1 wife, and fuch as had hufbands,
parents or freinds, happened to bee Tick, mine Hofts helpe
was ufed, and inftruments provided for him to kill frefh
vittell with, (wherein hee was induftrious,) and the perfons,
having frefh vittell, lived.

So doubtles might many others have bin preferved, but
they were of the number left without ; neither will thofe
precife people admit a carnall man into their howfes, though
they have made ufe of his in the like cafe ; they are fuch
antagoftifts to thofe that doe not comply with them, and
feeke to be admitted to be of their Church, that in fcorne
they fay, you may fee what it is to be without.

Chapter XXVII.

1 Supra, 319.

-\22

New Englifli Canaan.

173

Chap. XXVI I.

Of the praftife of tJieir CImrch}

THe Church of the Seperatifts is governed by Parlors,
Elders and Deacons, and there is not * any of thefe,
though hee be but a Cow keeper, but is allowed to ex-
ercife his guifts in the publik affembly on the Lords day,2
fo as hee doe not make ufe of any notes for the helpe of
his memory : 3 for fuch things, they fay, fmell of Lampe

oyle,

churches during the earlieft days of the
fettlement. Mr. Trumbull's very learned
and elaborate notes to his edition of
the Plaine Dealing, which is the edition
referred to in the notes to the prefent
chapter, have cleared up Lechford's text
wherever it is obfeure ; and they obviate
the neceffity of any careful annotation
of the prefent chapter, except where it
is defirable to call notice to the fpecial
bearing any particular affertion made
may be fuppofed to have had on Arch-
bifhop Laud's idiofyncrafies.

2 " Teaching in the church publicly,"
was, it will be remembered, one of the

1 The character of the New Canaan
as a political pamphlet of the time, in-
tended to effect a given refult in a par-
ticular quarter, has already been referred
to. {Supra, pp. 68-9.) In this refpect
the prefent chapter is the moft fignificant
one in the book. It was intended to act
on the well-known prejudices of Arch-
bifhop Laud, the head and controlling
fpirit of that Board of Lords Commif-
fioners of Foreign Plantations which
then had fupreme authority over the
colonies. To that Board Morton ded-
icated his book ; and at the time he was
writing it the Lords Commiffioners, and
efpecially the Archbifhop, were taking
aclive meafures to vacate the Maffachu-
fetts charter and to aiTume the direct
government of the colonies. It is its
connection with thefe fafts which alone
gives any great degree of hiflorical value
to the prefent chapter. In itfelf it is
not deferving of careful annotation, as
it contains nothing that is new, and the
ground is much better covered by Lech-
ford in his Plaine Dealing. Like Mor-
ton, Lechford was a lawyer; and, unlike
Morton, he was by nature a devout
man. A member of the Church of Eng-
land he has given in his book a remark-
ably vivid and fair-minded defcription
of the practice of the New England

offences charged againft Winflow before
the Lords Commiffioners at the hearing
of 1634, for which, at Archbifliop Laud's
" vehement importunity," he was com-
mitted to the Fleet. {Supra, 69 ; Proc.
Mafs. Hi/l. Soc., 1860-2, p. 131.) On
the real practice of the New England
churches in regard to the exercife of
their gifts by lay members, fee Plaine
Dealing, p. 42.

3 " I fuppofe the firft preacher that
ever thus preached with notes in our
New-England was the Reverend War-
ham." (Magnolia, B. in. part 2, ch.
xviii.) In regard to John Warham,
firft of Dorchefter and fubfequently of

Windfor,

New Engli/Ji Canaan.

323

oyle, and there muft be no fuch unfavery perfume admitted
to come into the congregation.

Thefe are all publike preachers. There is amongft thefe
people a Deakoneffe, made of the fillers, that ufes her guifts
at home in an affembly of her fexe, by way of repetition or
exhortation : 1 fuch is their pracrife. ^,

Windfor, Connecticut, fee Dr. Young's
note in Chron. of Mafs., p. 347.

1 There probably never was any reg-
ularly chofen deaconefs in New Eng-
land. The office was recognized as
having come down from the primitive
churches (Dexter's Congregationalifn,
p. 69) ; and Robert Browne in his defi-
nitions, in the Life and Manners of all
true Chriflians, fays : " The widow is a
perfon having office of God to pray for
the church, and to vifit and minifter to
thofe which are afflicted and diftreffed
in the church ; for the which lhe is tried
and received as meet." (Bacon's Gen-
cjis of the ATew England Churches, p.
84.) Bradford in his Dialogue, written
in 1648, fpeaking of the Separatift church
at Amfterdam, fays, that befides the paf-
tor, teacher, elders and deacons, there
was '• one ancient widow for a deacon-
efs, who did them fervice many years,
though the was fixty years of age when
fhe was chofen. She honored her place
and was an ornament to the congre-
gation. She ufually fat in a convenient
place in the congregation, with a little
birchen rod in her hand, and kept little
children in great awe from dilturbing
the congregation. She did frequently
vifit the fick and weak, efpecially wom-
en, and, as there was need, called out
maids and young women to watch and
do them other helps as their neceffity
did require; and if they were poor, fhe
would gather relief for them of thofe
that were able, or acquaint the deacons ;
and fiie was obeyed as a mother in

Ifrael and an officer of Chrift." (Young's
Chron. of Pilg-, p. 455-) It would be
inferred from the paffage quoted that
there had in 1648 never been a deacon-
efs in the Plymouth church, as in this
Dialogue the old men are fuppofed to
be defcribing to the young men events
ftrange to the latter, as having occurred
long before. Lechford fays, fpeaking of
the Mafiachufetts colony : " No church
there has a Deaconefie, as far as I
know." (P/aine Dealing, pp. 24, 40 )
" I have not met with an infiance of
[the] actual inftitution [of the office of
deaconefs] in New England." (Pal-
frey, vol. ii. p. 37, note.)

It does not feem, however, to have
been even theoretically one of the func-
tions of the deaconefs "to ufe her gifts
at home," as Morton fays, "in an af-
fembly of her fex, by way of repetition,
or exhortation." This would rather
have pertained to the office of teacher.
Meetings of females, fuch as thofe de-
fcribed, were held in the parifhes during
the early days, and played an important
part in the Antinomian controverfy.
The deaconefs did not, however, offi-
ciate at them. The character of thefe
meetings appears in the following paf-
fage at the trial of Mrs. Hutchinfon :

" Court. . . . What fay you to your
weekly public meetings ? Can you find
a warrant for them ?

Mrs. Hutchinson. I will fhow you
how I took it up. There were fuch
meetings in ufe before I came ; and
becaufe I went to none of them, this

was

324 New Englifh Canaan.

The Paftor, (before hee is allowed of,) muft. difclaime his
former calling to the Miniftry, as hereticall ; and take a new
calling after their fantafticall inventions : and then hee is
admitted to bee their Paftor.

The manner of difclaimeing is, to renounce his calling
with bitter execrations, for the time that hee hath heretofore
lived in it: and after his new election, there is great joy con-
ceaved at his commiffion.1

And theire Paflors have this preheminence above the
Civile Maodftrate : Hee muft firft confider of the com-
plaint made againfl a member: and if hee be difpofed to
give the partie complained of an admonition, there is no
more to be faid: if not; Hee delivers him over to the
Magiftrate to deale with him in a courfe of Iuftice, according
to theire practife in cafes of that nature.3 qc

was the fpecial reafon of my taking up felf. Neither do you teach them that

this courfe. We began it with but five which the Apoftle commands, viz : to

or fix, and, though it grew to more in fu- keep at home.

ture time, yet, being tolerated at the firft, Mrs. H. Will you pleafe to give me

I knew not why it might not continue. a rule againft it, and I will yield.

Court. There were private meet- Court. You muft have a rule for it,

ings indeed, and are ftill in many places, or elfe you cannot do it in faith. Yet

ofTome few neighbors ; but not fo pub- you have a plain rule againft it, — •' I

lie and frequent as yours; and are of fuffer not a woman to teach.' (I. Tim.

ufe for increafe of love and mutual edi- ii. 12.)

fication. But yours are of another na- Mrs. H. That is meant of teaching

ture. If they had been fuch as yours men."

they had been evil, and therefore no (Weld's Short Story, pp. 34~5-) See

good warrant to juftify yours. But an- alfo the verfion to the fame effecT; in

fwer by what authority or rule you up- Hutchinfon's Majjfachnfetts, vol. ii. pp.

hold them ? 4§4-7-

Mrs. H. By Titus ii. 3-5, where the 1 Supra, 262, note 3, and 306, note 3.

elder women are to teach the younger. The effe£t fuch a ftatement as that in

Court. So we allow you to do, as the text would have upon Archbifhop

the Apoftle there means, privately and Laud is apparent. The real practice of

upon occafion. But that gives no war- the early New England churches in the

rant of fuch fet meetings for that pur- matter of ordination can be found in the

pofe. And, befides, you take upon you Plaine Dealing, pp. 13, 16, 17.

to teach many that are older than your- 2 " There hath been fome difference

about

New Englifh Canaan. 325

* Of thefe paftors I have not knowne many : 1 fome * 1 74
I have obferved together with theire carriage in New
Canaan, and can informe you what opinion hath bin con-
ceaved of theire conditions in the perticuler. There is one
who, (as they give it out there that thinke they fpeake it to
advaunce his worth,) has bin expected to exercife his gifts in
an aflembly that flayed his comming, in the middeft of his
Iorney falls into a fitt, (which they terme a zealous medita-
tion,) and was 4. miles paft the place appointed before hee
came to himfelfe, or did remember where abouts hee went.
And how much thefe things are different from the actions of
mazed men, I leave to any indifferent man to judge ; and
if I mould fay they are all much alike, they that have feene
and heard what I have done, will not condemne mee alto-
gether.

Now, for as much as by the practife of theire Church every

Elder

about jurifdictions, or cognizance of the great contentment of the hearers, and

caufes : Some have held that, in caufes their comfortable edification." (Young's

betweene brethren of the Church, the Chron. of Pilg., p. 467 ; Bradford, pp.

matter fhould be firft told the Church, 187-8.) In the fummer of 1628, but

before they goe to the civill Magiftrate, after Morton had been fent to England,

becaufe all caufes in difference doe Allerton brought over Mr. Rogers as a

amount, one way or other, to a matter preacher, who foon proved to be " crafed

of offence ; and that all criminall matters in his braine" (Bradford, p. 243), and the

concerning Church members, fhould be next feafon was fent home. In the au-

firft heard by the Church. But thefe tumn, apparently, of 1629, and while

opinioniits are held, by the wifer fort, Morton may have been at Plymouth at

not to know the dangerous iffues and Allerton's houfe {lb. p. 253), before his

confequences of fuch tenets." (Plaine final return to Mount Wollafton, the

Dealing, p. 34.) Rev. Ralfe Smith, who had come over

1 There was no minifter at Plymouth with Skelton and Higginfon in the pre-

in the fpring of 1628, when Morton was vious June (Young's Chron. of Mafs.,

there. William Brewfter was the ruling p. 151), was found at Nantafket and

elder in the church and officiated in its brought down to Plymouth. (Bradford,

pulpit, where, from the beginning, he p. 263.) He was not, however, chofen

had " taught twice every fabbath, and into the miniftry there until a later time,

that both powerfully and profitably, to (/#.) It is unlikely that Morton here

refers

326 New Englifh Canaan.

Lewes the
II. fc nt a
Barber Em-
baffador.

T/ie Embaf-
fage de/pifed

Elder or Deacon may preach, it is not amiffe to difcover their

practife in that perticuler, before I part with them.1

It has bin an old faying, and a true, what is bred in the

bone will not out of the flefli, nor the ftepping into the

pulpit that can make the perfon fitt for the imployment.

The unfitnes of the perfon undertaking to be the MeiTenger

has brought a blemifh upon the meffage, as in the time of

Lewes the Eleventh, King of France, who, (having advaunced

his Barber to place of Honor, and graced him with eminent

titles), made him fo prefumptuous to undertake an Embaf-

fage to treat with forraine princes of Civile affaires.

But what was the iffue ? Hee behaved himfelfe fo

* 175 * unworthily, (yet as well as his breeding would give

him leave,) that both the Meffenger and the meffage

were defpifed ; and had not hee, (being difcovered,) conveyed

himfelfe out of their territories, they had made him pay for

his barbarous prefumption.2 c ,

1 L Socrates

refers to Plymouth perfonages. He was
at Salem in 1629 (Supra, 306), and in
Bofton, where as a prifoner he was un-
doubtedly made regularly to attend di-
vine fervice, from early September to
the end of December, 1630. (Supra,
45 ; Young's Chron. of Mafs., p. 321.)
At Salem he had come in contacl with
Skelton and Higginfon ; and it has
been feen (Supra, 300, note 1) that he
probably knew fomething of Francis
Bright of Charleftown. The only other
minifters then in the colony were John
Warham and John Maverick at Dor-
chefier, George Phillips at Watertown,
and John Wilfon at Bofton.

1 It is fcarcely neceffary to point out
that the three following pages are largely
the fruit of Morton's imaginative pow-
ers, and were intended for the fpecial
edification of Archbifhop Laud. As

Plymouth was much lefs well fupplied
with preachers than the towns of the
Maffachufetts colony, it is altogether
probable — as Dr. John Eliot furmifed,
in his review of the New Canaan, in the
Monthly Anthology for July, 18 10 —
the alluvions to the church-practifes in
this chapter found their largeft bafis of
fa<5l in incidents which Morton had been
a witnefs of in the Plymouth meeting-
houfe. It is fafe to add, however, that
he could have had no agreeable recollec-
tions of the meeting-houfes at Bofton
and Charleftown.

2 Oliver Le Daim, barber of Louis
XL, created by him Comte de Meulan,
and fent in 1477 on a confidential mif-
fion to Mary of Burgundy at Ghent.
The account of his experiences is to be
found in the Memoires de Commines,
L. v. ch. xiv.

New Englifli Canaan. 327

Socrates fayes, loquere tit te videam. If a man obferve
thefe people in the exercife of their gifts, hee may thereby
difcerne the tincture of their proper calling, the affes eares
will peepe through the lyons hide. I am forry they cannot
difcerne their owne infirmities. I will deale fairely with
them, for I will draw their pictures cap a pe, that you may
difcerne them plainely from head to foote in their poftures,
that fo much bewitch, (as I may fpeake with modefty,) thefe
illiterate people to be fo fantafticall, to take Ionas tafke 1
upon them without fufficient warrant.

One fteps up like the Minifter of Iuftice with the ballance a Grocer.
onely, not the fword for feare of affrighting his auditory.
Hee poynts at a text, and handles it as evenly as hee can ;
and teaches the auditory, that the thing hee has to deliver
mull be well waied, for it is a very pretious thing, yes, much
more pretious then gold or pearle : and hee will teach them
the meanes how to way things of that excellent worth ; that
a man would fuppofe hee and his auditory were to part
ftakes by the fcale ; and the like diftribution they have ufed
about a bag pudding.

Another, (of a more cutting difpofition,) fteps in his fteed ; a Taylor.
and hee takes a text, which hee divides into many parts : (to
fpeake truly) as many as hee lift. The fag end of it hee
pares away, as a fuperfluous remnant.

# Hee puts his auditory in comfort, that hee will * 176
make a garment for them, and teach them how they
fhall put it on ; and incourages them to be in love with it,
for it is of fuch a fafhion as doth beft become a Chriftian

man.

1 Supra, 302, note I.

328 New Engli/Ii Canaan,

man. Hee will affuer them that it fhall be armor of proffe

againft all affaults of Satan. This garment, (fayes hee,) is

not compofed as the garments made by a carnall man, that

are fowed with a hot needle and a burning thread ; but it is

a garment that mall out laft all the garments : and, if they

will make ufe of it as hee mail direct them, they fhall be

able, (like faint George,) to terrifie the greate Dragon, error ;

and defend truth, which error with her wide chaps would

devoure : whofe mouth mall be filled with the fhredds and

parings, which hee continually gapes for under the cutting

bourd.

a Tapjkr. A third, hee fupplies the rome : and in the exercife of his

guifts begins with a text that is drawne out of a fountaine

that has in it no dreggs of popery. This fhall proove unto

you, (fays hee,) the Cup of repentance : it is not like unto

the Cup of the Whore of Babilon, who will make men drunk

with the dreggs thereof : It is filled up to the brim with

comfortable Joyce, and will proove a comfortable cordiall to

a fick foule, fayes hee. And fo hee handles the matter as

if hee dealt by the pinte and the quarte, with Nic and

Froth.1 A

1 I am indebted to Mr. Lindfay Swift, ' We mutt be running up and downe

of the Bofton Public Library, for the With Cannes of beere (malt fod in fifhes

following explanation of this, to me, broth), -.,,,., . , ,

very perplexing allufion : "Nic, or, more Ancl tho!e theY faY are fil d wlth mck and

correctly, nick, — namely, 'a raifed or froth> (Rowland's Knave of Harts.)

indented bottom in a beer- can, by « From the nick and froth of a penny pot-

which the cuftomers were cheated, the houfe.' (Fletcher.)
nick below ancl the froth above filling

up part of the meafure.' I take this < Our pots were full quartcd

definition from Wright's Bic1iona?y of We were not thus thwarted

Obfolete and Provincial Englifh. That With froth-cannc and nick-pot,

,, J rr ° J „ .. And fuch nimble quick ihot.'

the expreffion was a common one the , . „ ,,,,,,.* j-

following quotations prove : - (Spurious lines added to Rand s 1624 edi-

° n r tion of Skelton s Elynour Rnmmynge.)

Moft

New Engli/Ji Canaan, 329

An other, (a very learned man indeed,) goes another way a Cobter.
to worke with his auditory ; and exhorts them to walke
upright, in the way of their calling, and not, (like
carnall men,) tread awry. And if they fhould * fayle * 177
in the performance of that duety, yet they mould
feeke for amendement whiles it was time ; and tells them it
would bee to late to feek for help when the (hop windowes
were fhutt up : and pricks them forward with a freindly
admonition not to place theire delight in worldly pleafures,
which will not laft, but in time will come to an end; but
fo to handle the matter that they may be found to wax
better and better, and then they fhall be doublely rewarded
for theire worke : and fo clofes up the matter in a comfort-
able manner.

But ftay : Here is one ftept up in hafte, and, (being not
minded to hold his auditory in expectation of any long
difcourfe,) hee takes a text ; and, (for brevities fake,) divides
it into one part : and then runnes fo faft a fore with the
matter, that his auditory cannot follow him. Doubtles his
Father was fome Irifh footeman;1 by his fpeede it feemes a very pate
fo. And it may be at the howre of death, the fonne, being rick'
prefent, did participat of his Fathers nature, (according to
Pithagoras,) 2 and fo the vertue of his Fathers nimble feete

being

Moft of this information I have taken ufe, and to notify innkeepers of the

from Nares's Gloffary and Halliwell- coming: guefts. They carried long poles

Philhpps's Diclionary of Archaic and to affift them in clearing obftacles, and

Provincial Words, fecond edition." to help pry the carriages out of the

1 The reference here is apparently to floughs in which they frequently got

the running footmen much in ufe in the ftuck. (Brewer's Dift. of Phrafe and

eighteenth century, and alfo, judging by Fable, p. 773 ; Macaulay's England,

the text, as early as the reign of Charles vol. i. pp. 374-8.)

I. Their duty was to run before and 2 It was one of the doctrines of Py-

alongfide the cumbrous coaches then in thagoras that the fouls of the dying

paffed

S3° New Engli/Ii Canaan.

being infufed into his braines, might make his tongue out-
runne his wit.

Well, if you marke it, thefe are fpeciall gifts indeede :
which the vulgar people are fo taken with, that there is no
perfwading them that it is fo ridiculous.

This is the meanes, (O the meanes,) that they purfue :
This that comes without premeditation ; This is the Supar-
lative : and hee that does not approove of this, they fay is a

very reprobate.
* 178 * Many vn warrantable Tenents they have likewife :
fome of which being come to my knowledge I wil
here fet downe : one wherof, being in publicke praclife
maintained, is more notorious then the reft. I will therefore
beginne with that, and convince them of manifeft error by
the maintenance of it, which is this :
Tenenti. That it is the Magiftrates office abfolutely, (and not the
Minfters,) to joyne the people in lawfull matrimony.1 And

for

pafTed into the air, and thence into the riage here referred to was that of Ed-
living bodies of other men, taking con- ward Winflow to Mrs. Sufannah White,
trolling poffeffion of them. That the It took place in May, Window's wife
nimblenefs of the father's feet might having died feven weeks before, and
thus account for the volubility of the Mrs. White's hufband, William, twelve
fon's tongue is, it is needlefs to fay, a weeks before. That he had married
purely Mortonian deduction. people was, it will be remembered, the
1 "May 12. [1621] was the firft mar- other of the two charges advanced
iage in this place, which, according to againft Winflow himfelf, at the Privy
the laudable cuftome of the Low-Coun- Council hearing juft referred to. {Supra,
tries, in which they had lived, was 322, note 2.) The practice of civil mar-
thought moft requifite to be performed riage already prevailed in the Maffachu-
bythe magiftrate, as being a civill thing, fetts colony alfo, as, a week before the
upon which manyqueftions aboute inher- arreft of Morton was ordered, Governor
itances doe depende, with other things Endicott. on Auguft 18, 1630, was mar-
moft proper to their cognizans, and moft ried, at Charleftown apparently, " by the
confonante to the fcripturs. Ruth 4. governourand Mr.Wilfon." (Winthrop,
and no wher found in the gofpell to be vol. i. p. *30. See alfo Plaine Dealing,
layed on the minifters as a part of their pp. 86-7.) There are few more edifying
office." (Bradford, p. 101.) The mar- examples of the cafuiftical fkill of Win-
throp

New Englifh Canaan.

1 1 T

JO l

for this they vouch the Hiltory of Ruth, faying Boas was
married to Ruth in prefence of the Elders of the people.
Herein they miftake the fcope of the text.

2. That it is a relique of popery to make ufe of a ring in
marriage : and that it is a diabolicall circle for the Divell to
daunce in.1

3. That the purification ufed for weomen after delivery
is not to be ufed.2

4. That no child mall be baptifed whofe parents are not
receaved into their Church firm3 That

throp and his affociates than is afforded
by his method of dealing with the ques-
tion of civil marriages, as explained in
detail in his Joicrnal (vol. i. p. *323).
" In our church difcipline, and in mat-
ters of marriage, to make a law that
marriages fhould not be folemnized by
minifters is repugnant to the laws of
England ; but to bring it to a cuftom by
practice for the magiftrates to perform
it, is no law made repugnant, etc." The
charter of 1629 empowered the General
Court of the colony "to make, ordeine,
and eftablifhe all Manner of wholefome
and reafonable Orders, Lavves, Statutes,
and Ordinances, Directions, and In-
ftruclions, not contrary to the Lavves of
theis our Realme of England." (Hazard,
vol. i. p. 252.)

1 At the conference between the Bifh-
ops and the Puritans, held in prefence
of James I. at Hampton Court in Janu-
ary, 1603, one of the practices of the
Englifh Church efpecially excepted to
as a "relique of popery" by Dr. John
Reynolds, the fpokefman of the Puri
tans, was the ring in marriage. (Neal's
Hiji. of Puritans, vol. ii. p. 42.) Among
the reafons urged againft its ufe I have
not elfewhere found the "diabolical
circle" argument. It feems rather to

have been affociated in the Puritan
mind with the Romifh traditions.
(Jones's Finger- Ring Lore, pp. 2S8-90.)
This count, in Morton's indictment,
was bafed on good grounds. "In the
Weddings of [early] New England the
ring makes none of the ceremonies."
(Mather's Ratio Difcipline, p. 116.)

2 This refers to churching practice of
the Englifh Church. At the Hampton
Court conference, referred to in the
preceding note, another of the " reliques
of popery," fpecifically excepted to by
Dr. Reynolds, was " the churching of
women by the name oi purification.''''

3 This count in the indictment was
well laid. The children of the non-com-
municants in early New England could
not be baptized ; though they might be
if either one of the parents was a mem-
ber of the church. At a later period this
became one of the leading caufes of polit-
ical agitation in the colony, and is re-
ferred to in the Dr. Robert Childs peti-
tion of 1646. In 1670 from four fifths to
five fixths of the adult male inhabitants
of Maffachufetts were without the fran-
chife, as being non-communicants.
(Lechford's Plaine Dealing, pp. 47, 48,
151; Mem. Hifl. of Boflon, vol. i. p. 1 56 ;
Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 8, vol. iii. p. 41.)

S32 New Englifli Canaan.

5. That no perfon Ihall be admitted to the Sacrament of
the Lords fupper that is without.1

6. That the booke of Common prayer is an idoll : and all

that ufe it, Idolaters.2 —,

' 7. That

1 Supra, 316, note 2.

2 This was the favorite epithet em-
ployed by the early reformers in refer-
ring to the Mafs. Calvin called it " an
execrable idol;" Hooper, "a wicked
idol." Bradford — not Governor Wil-
liam, but John, the Smithneld martyr of
Queen Mary's time — terms it an "abom-
inable idol of bread ; " and again, " the
horribleft and moll deteftable device
that ever the devil brought out by man."
Bland, retlor of Adifhan, repeated the
familiar figure, calling it a " moll blaf-
phemous idol ; " and Latimer improved
upon this by adding the words, "full of
idolatry, blafphemy, facrilege againfl
God and the dear facrifice of His Chrill."
(Blunt's Reformation of the Church of
Eng., vol. ii. pp. 399-402.) The deriva-
tion of the Book of Common Prayer, in
many of its parts, from the Miffal was
unmiflakable ; and naturally the next
race of religious reformers applied to
the former the fame earned epithets of
theological diffent which had before
been applied to the latter. Accordingly,
in Barrowe's Brief Difcovery of tlie Falfe
Church, we find the Book of Common
Prayer referred to as " a deteftable idol,
. . . old rotten fluff . . . abftra<5led out
of the pope's blafphemous mafs-book,
... an abominable and loathfome fac-
rifice in the fight of God, even as a
dead dog." Barrowe was one of the
three Separatift martyrs, and as fuch
held in deepefl veneration at Plymouth.
(Young's Citron, of Pilg., pp. 427-34.)
The Book of Common Prayer was there-
fore undoubtedly looked upon and re-
ferred to at Plymouth as Morton fays.
Indeed, the Lyford fchifm was in fome

degree due to its ufe. (Bradford, p. 181.)
That it was, in the early days, alfo fo
looked upon and fo referred to at Salem
and at Bofton, is not clear. It is true
that in 1629 it was again the caufe of
the Browne diflenfion at Salem (Young's
Chron. of Mafs., p. 287), in confequence
of which Skelton and Higginfon both
declared openly "that they came away
from the Common Prayer and ceremo-
nies, . . . and therefore, being in a place
where they might have their liberty,
they neither could nor would ufe them,
becaufe they judged the impofition of
thefe things to be finful corruptions in
the worfliip of God." (Morton's Me-
morial, p. 147.) The Puritans of Bof-
ton, however, were not Separatifts, and
it is open to queflion whether they at
firft felt towards the Common Prayer
as the Plymouth people felt towards it,
and as Morton fays. In 1640 Governor
Winthrop, it is true, noted it as a thing
worthy of obfervation that his fon " hav-
ing many books in a chamber where
there was corn of divers forts, had among
them one wherein the Greek teftament,
the pfalms and the common prayer were
bound together. He found the common
prayer eaten with mice, every leaf of it,
and not any of the two other touched,
nor any other of his books, though they
were above a thoufand." (Winthrop,
vol. ii. p. *2o.) When Governor Win-
throp tried and fentenced Morton, how-
ever, he was anxious to preferve his
connection with the Church of England,
and it is very doubtful whether he then
looked upon its Book of Prayer as " an
idol." (Proc. Mafs. Hifl. Soc, vol. xviii.
p. 296.)

New Englifh Canaan. 333

7. That every man is bound to beleeve a profeffor upon
his bare affirmation onely, before a Proteflant upon oath.

8. That no perfon hath any right to Gods creatures, but
Gods children onely, who are themfelves : and that all
others are but ufurpers of the Creatures.

9. And that, for the generall good of their Church and
commonwealth, they are to neglect father, mother and all
freindfhip.

* 10. Much a doe they keepe about their Church ^179
difcipline, as if that were the moft effentiall part of
their Religion. Tythes are banifhed from thence, all except
the tyth of Mint and Commin.1

11. They differ from us fomething in the creede too, for
if they get the goods of one, that is without, into their hands,

hee

As one count in Morton's indictment Winflow's imprifonment for having per-

of the people of New England, that in formed the marriage ceremony. {Supra,

the text now under consideration was 69, 93.)

not only iufficiently well founded, but it l " Woe unto you, fcribes and Phari-
was peculiarly calculated to excite Arch- fees, hypocrites ! for ye pay tithe of mint
bifhop Laud's anger. It is unneceffary and anife and cummin, and have omit-
to fay that he was the fpecial champion ted the weightier matters of the law,
of the Church of England ritual. To judgment, mercy, and faith." (Matt.
enforce exait. conformity to it he re- xxiii. 23.)

garded as his miffion. When the " But woe unto you, Pharifees ! for

mips loaded with emigrants for New ye tithe mint and rue and all manner of

England were, in March, 1634, flopped herbs, and pafs over judgment and the

in the Thames by order of the Privy love of God." (Luke xi. 42.)

Council, they were not allowed to pro- The Significance of the text referred

ceed on their voyage until the mafters to lay, of courfe, in Morton's mind, ra-

bound themfelves to have the Book of ther in its indirect than its direct appli-

Common Prayer ufed at morning and cation, — more in its denunciatory than

evening fervice during the voyage, in its contributory portions. The clergy

(Council Regifler, Feb. 21, 28, 1634; in early Maffachufetts were Supported

Gardiner's Charles /., vol. ii. p. 23.) by the voluntary contributions in Bof-

This was Laud's act, and it is more ton, and by a regular town- tax levy out-

than probable that he was as much in- fide of Bofton. (Plaine Dealitig, pp.

fluenced by Morton on that occafion as 48-50; Proc. Mafs. Hijl. Soc, 1860-2,

he was fubfequently in the matter of p. 116.)

334 New Englifh Canaan.

hee fhall be kept without remedy for any fatisfaclion : and
they beleeve that this is not cofenage.1

12. And laftly they differ from us in the manner of
praying ; for they winke 2 when they pray, becaufe they thinke
themfelves fo perfect, in the highe way to heaven that they
can find it blindfould : fo doe not I.8

Chap. XXVIII.

Of their Policy in publik Iuftice.

NOw that I have anottomized the two extreame parts of
this Politique Commonwealth, the head and the infe-
rior members, I will fhew you the hart, and reade a fhort
leclure over that too ; which is Iuftice. ,

1 Supra, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20.

2 "Wink, v. n. 1. to fhut the eyes.
obs." ( Worcejler. )

3 Edward Howes, in writing from
London to John Winthrop, Jr., in No-
vember, 1632, defcribes how, on going
home at noon one clay, he met the maf-
ter of a veffel which had juft arrived
from New England, together with three
others who had come over with him.
The mafter paffing into the houfe on
fome matter of bufinefs, Howes had a
talk with one of the other men, whom
he defcribes as an " egregious knave."
The report given by this man of the
Maffachufetts community ftrikingly re-
fembles that given by Morton in this
chapter. He would, writes Howes,
"give none of you a good word, but the
governor [Winthrop] ; he was a good
man and kept a good table, but all the
reft were Hereticks, and they would be

more holy than all the world ; they
would be a peculiar people to God, but
go to the Devil ; that one man with you
being at coufeffion, as he called it, laid
he believed his father and mother and
anceftors went all to Hell ; and that
your preachers, in their public prayers,
pray for the governor before they pray
for our king and ftate ; . . . that you
never ufe the Lord's prayer ; that your
minifters marry none ; that fellows which
keep hogs all the week preach on the
Sabbath; that every town in your plan-
tation is of a feveral religion ; that you
count all men in England, yea all out
of your church, in the ftate of damna-
tion. But 1 believe and know better
things of you ; but here you may partly
fee how the Devil ftirs up his inftru-
ments." (iv. Mafs. Hijl. Col., vol. vi.
P- 485)

New Englifli Canaan. 335

I have a petition to exhibit to the highe and mighty Mr.
Temperwell ; and I have my choife whether I fliall make
my plaint in a cafe of confcience, or bring it with in the
Compas of a point in law. And becaufe I will goe the fureft
way to worke, at firft, I will fee how others are anfwered in
the like kinde, whether it be with hab or nab, as the Iudge
did the Countryman.1

Here comes Mr. Hopewell : his petition is in a cafe of
confcience, (as hee fayes.) But, fee, great Iofua allowes
confcience to be of his fide : yet cuts him off with
this anfwere ; Law is flat againft him. Well let * me * 180
fee another. I marry : Here comes one Matter Doubt-
not : his matter depends, (I am fure,) upon a point in Law :
alas, what will it not doe, looke ye it is affirmed that Law is
on his fide : but Confcience, like a blanket, over fpreades it.
This paffage is like to the Procuftes of Roome, mee thinks ;
and therefore I may very well fay of them,

Evenfo, by racking out the joynts & chopping of the head>
Procuftes fitted all his guefts unto his Iron bedd.

And, if thefe fpeede no better, with whome they are freinds,
that neither finde Law nor Confcience to helpe them, I doe
not wonder to fee mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount fpeede fo ill,
that has bin proclaimed an enemy fo many yeares in New
Canaan to their Church and State.

Chapter XXIX.

1 Mr. Swift {Supra, 328, note) fug- Turfe anfwers him :
gefts that Morton here alludes to the "I put it

fcene in Ben Jonfon's Tale of a Tub Even to your worfhip's bitterment, hab,
(act iv. fc. 1), where Juftice Preamble nab."

^ays : Here the Countryman makes the re-

" And what fay you now. neighbor Turfe ? " mark, and not the Juftice ; but a wholly

correct

336 New Englifli Canaan.

Chap. XXIX.

How mine Hojl was put into a whales belly.

THe Seperatifls, (after they had burned Ma-re-Mount
they could not get any fhipp to undertake the carriage
of mine Hoft from thence, either by faire meanes or fowle,)
they were inforced, (contrary to their expectation,) to be
troubled with his company : 1 and by that meanes had time
to confider more of the man, then they had done of the
matter: wherein at length it was difcovered that they, (by
meanes of their credulity of the intelligence given them in
England of the matter, and the falie Care6ler of the man,)
had runne themfelves headlonge into an error, and had done

that on a fodaine which they repented at leafure, but
# 181 could not tell which way to help it * as it flood now.

They could debate upon it and efpecially upon two
difficult points, whereof one muft be concluded upon : If
they fent mine Hoft away by banifhment, hee is in poffibil-
ity to furvive, to their difgrace for the injury clone : if they
furler him to flay, and put him in Jlatu quo prius, all the
vulgar people will conclude they have bin too rafhe in
burning a howfe that was ufefull, and count them men
unadvifed.

So that it feemes, (by theire difcourfe about the matter,)
they flood betwixt Hawke and Buffard : and could not tell

which

correct allufion by Morton is not to be is probably derived from habbe, nabbe,

looked for. {Supra, 123, note 2.) The — "to have or not to have." (See

meaning of /tab, nab is, of courfe, "hit Nares's Glojfary.)

or mifs, at a venture, at random," and ' Sttftra, 44-5.

New Engli/Ii Canaa,7i. 337

which hand to incline unto. They had founded him fecret-
ly : hee was content with it, goe which way it would. Nay
Shackles1 himfelfe, (who was imployed in the burning of the
howfe, and therefore feared to be caught in England,) and
others were fo forward in putting mine Hofl in Jiatu quo
firius, after they had found their error, (which was fo appa-
rent that Luceus eies would have ferved to have found it
out in leffe time,) that they would contribute 40. (hillings a
peece towards it ; and affirmed, that every man according to
his ability that had a hand in this black defigne fhould be
taxed to a Contribution in like nature : it would be done
exactly.

Now, (whiles this was in agitation, and was well urged by
fome of thofe partys to have bin the upfhot,) unexpected,
(in the depth of winter, when all fhipps were gone out of
the land,) in comes Mr. Wethercock, a proper Mariner ; and,
they faid, he could obferve the winde : blow it high, blow it
low, hee was refolved to lye at Hull2 rather than incounter
fuch a florme as mine Hofl had met with : and this was a
man for their turne.

* Hee would doe any office for the brethren, if they *i82
(who hee knew had a flrong purfe, and his confcience
waited on the firings of it, if all the zeale hee had) would
beare him out in it: which they profeffed they would.
Hee undertakes to ridd them of mine Hofl by one meanes

1 Supra, 319, note. (Proc. Mafs. Hijl. Soc. 1871-3, p. 397),

2 By the General Court of May, 1644, think it was fo called from Hull in
it was ordered, that " Nantafcot fhall Yorkfhire. It would appear from the
be called Hull." {Records, vol. ii. p. 74.) text that it had been locally known by
Mr. Savage, in his notes to Winthrop that name among the "old planters"
(vol. ii. p. *I75), and Mr. Whitmore before the fettlement of Bolton.

33& New Engli/Ii Canaan.

or another. They gave him the beft meanes they could,
according to the prefent condition of the worke, and letters
of credence to the favoures of that Seel; in England ; with
which, (his bufines there being done, and his fhipp cleared,)
hee hoyft the Sayles and put to Sea : fince which time mine
Holt has not troubled the brethren, but onely at the Coun-
fell table : where now Sub iudice lis eft.

Chap. XXX.

Of Sir Chrijlopher Gardiner Knight, and how hee Jpedd
among/l the Seperatifts.

Sir Chriftopher Gardiner,1 (a Knight, that had bin a trav
eller both by Sea and Land ; a good judicious gentle-
man in the Mathematticke and other Sciences ufefull for
Plantations, Kimiftry, &c. and alfo being a pradicall Engi-
ner,) came into thofe parts, intending difcovery.

But the Seperatifts love not thofe good parts, when they
proceede from a carnall man, (as they call every good Prot-
teftant) ; in fhorte time [they] had found the meanes to pick
a quarrell with him. The meanes is that they purfue to
obtaine what they aime at : the word is there, the meanes.
So that, when they finde any man like to proove an

enemy

1 Sir Chriftopher Gardiner fuddenly Chriftopher, and " how hee fpedd

appeared in Maftachufetts in May, 1630, amongft the Seperatifts," for infertion

and returned to England in 1632, ar- at this point ; but the fubject developed

riving there in Auguft. He is fuppofed on my hands until it affumed the fhape

to have come out as an agent, or emif- of a ftudy by itfelf. It can be found in

fary, of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. I had the Proceedings of the Mafs. Hijl. Soc.

begun the preparation of a note on Sir for January, 1883, vol. xx.

New Engli/Ji Canaan, 339

enemy to their Church and ftate, then ftraight * the * 183
meanes muft be ufed for defence. The firft precept
in their Politiques is to defame the man at whom they aime,
and then hee is a holy Ifraelite in their opinions who can
fpread that fame brodeft, like butter upon a loafe : no mat-
ter how thin, it will ferve for a vaile : and then this man,
(who they have thus depraved,) is a fpotted uncleane leaper :
hee muft out, lead hee pollute the Land, and them that are
cleane.

If this be one of their guif ts, then Machevill l had as good
gifts as they. Let them raife a fcandall on any, though
never fo innocent, yet they know it is never wiped cleane
out : the ftaind marks remaines ; which hath bin well
obferved by one in thefe words of his,

Stick Candles gainft a Virgin walls white back ;
If they 7 not burne yet, at the leaft, they 7 black.

And thus they dealt with Sir Chriftopher : and plotted by
all the wayes and meanes they could, to overthrow his
undertakings in thofe parts.

And therefore I cannot chufe but conclude that thefe
Seperatifts have fpeciall gifts : for they are given to envy
and mallice extremely.

The knowledge of their defamacion could not pleafe the
gentleman well, when it came to his eare ; which would
caufe him to make fome reply, as they fuppofed, to take

exceptions

1 Machiavelli died in 1527, and The " Nick Machiavel had ne'er a trick,

Prince was publifhed in 1532. The re- (Tho' he gave his name to our old Nick.)"

putation of the man and of the book {Hudibras, p. in. can. i. lines 1313-4.)

were as well eftablifhed in Morton's This derivation is not accepted by the

day as they are now. authorities. See Brewer's Did?., p. 61 4.

34° New Engli/Ji Canaan.

exceptions at, as they did againft Faire cloath:1 and this
would be a meanes, they thought, to blow the coale, and
fo to kindle a brand that might fire him out of the Country
too, and fend him after mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount.

They take occafion, (fome of them,) to come to his
howfe when hee was gone up into the Country, and
* 184 # (finding hee was from home,) fo went to worke that
they left him neither howfe nor habitation nor fer-
vant, nor any thing to help him, if hee fhould retorne : but
of that they had noe hope, (as they gave it out,) for hee was
gone, (as they affirmed,) to leade a Salvage life, and for that
caufe tooke no company with him : and they having confid-
ered of the matter, thought it not fit that any fuch man
fhould live in fo remoate a place, within the Compas of their
patent. So they fired the place, and carried away the per-
fons and goods.

Sir Chriftopher was gone with a guide, (a Salvage,) into
the inland parts for difcovery : but, before hee was returned,
hee met with a Salvage that told the guide, Sir Chriftopher
would be killed : Mailer Temperwell, (who had now found
out matter againft him,) would have him dead or alive.
This hee related ; and would have the gentleman not to goe
to the place appointed, becaufe of the danger that was
fuppofed.

But Sir Chriftopher was nothing difmaid ; hee would on,
whatfoever come of it ; and fo met with the Salvages : and
between e them was a terrible fkermifh : But they had the
worft of it, and hee fcaped well enough.

The guide was glad of it, and learnd of his fellowes that

they

1 Supra, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20.

New Englifh Canaan, 341

they were promifed a great reward for what they fhould doe
in this imployment.

Which thing, (when Sir Chriftopher underftood,) hee gave
thanks to God ; and after, (upon this occafion to follace
himfelfe,) in his table booke hee compofed this fonnet, which
I have here inferted for a memoriall.

*THE SONNET. * 185

WOlfes in S keeps clothing, why will ye
Think to deceave God that doth fee
Your f mutated fanclily ?
For my part, I doe wi/Ji you could
Your owne infirmities behold,
For then you would not be fo bold.
Like Sop hi/is, why will you difpute
With wifdome fo ? You doe confute
None but y ourf elves. For fJiame, be mute,

Leafl great fehovah, with his powre,
Do come upon you in a howre
When you leafl think, and you devoure.

This Sonnet the Gentleman compofed as a teftimony of his
love towards them, that were fo ill-affected towards him ;
from whome they might have receaved much good, if they
had bin fo wife to have imbraced him in a loving fafhion.

But they defpife the helpe that fhall come from a carnall
man, (as they termed him,) who, after his retorne from thofe
defignes, finding how they had ufed him with fuch difre-
fpect, tooke fhipping, and difpofed of himfelfe for England ;

and

342 New Engli/Ji Canaan.

and difcovered their praclifes in thofe parts towards his

Majefties true harted Subjects, which they made

wery of their aboade in thofe parts.

*i86 *Chap. XXXI.

Of mine Hoft of Ma-re- Mount how hee played Jonas after
lice had bin in the Whales belly for a time.

Mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount, being put to Sea, had deliv-
ered him, for his releefe by the way, (becaufe the fhipp
was unvitteled, and the Seamen put to ftraight allowance,
which could hold out but to the Canaries,) a part of his
owne provifion, being two moneths proportion ; in all but 3.
fmall peeces of porke, which made him expect to be fam-
ifhed before the voyage fhould be ended, by all likelyhood.
Yet hee thought hee would make one good meale, before
hee died : like the Colony fervant in Virginea, that, before
hee fhould goe to the gallowes, called to his wife to fet on
the loblolly pot, and let him have one good meale before hee
went ; who had committed a petty crime, that in thofe dayes
was made a cappitall offence.

And now, mine Hoft being merrily difpofed, on went the
peeces of porke, wherewith hee feafted his body, and cher-
ifhed the poore Sailers ; and got out of them what Mr. Weth-
ercock, their Mafter, purpofed to doe with him that hee had
no more provifion : and along they failed from place to place,
from Hand to Hand, in a pittifull wether beaten fhip, where
mine Hoft was in more dainger, (without all queftion,) then

Ionas,

New Englifli Canaan. 343

lonas, when hee was in the Whales belly ; and it was the
o-reat mercy of God that they had not all perifhed. Vittelled
they were but for a moneth, when they wayd Ancor and left
the firft port.

* They were a pray for the enemy for want of * 187
powther, if they had met them: befides the veffell
was a very flugg, and fo unferviceable that the Matter called
a counfell of all the company in generall, to have theire
opinions which way to goe and how to beare the helme, who
all under their hand affirmed the fhipp to be unferviceable :
fo that, in fine, the Mafter and men and all were at their
wits end about it : yet they imployed the Carpenters to
fearch and caulke her fides, and doe theire belt whiles they
were in her. Nine moneths they made a fhifte to ufe her,
and fhifted for fupply of vittells at all the Iflands they
touched at : though it were fo poorely, that all thofe helpes,
and the fhort allowance of a bifket a day, and a few Lymons
taken in at the Canaries, ferved but to bring the veffell in
view of the lands end.

They were in fuch a defperat cafe, that, (if God in his
greate mercy had not favoured them, and difpofed the
windes faire untill the veffell was in Plimmouth roade,) they
had without queflion perifhed ; for when they let drop an
Anchor, neere the Ifland of S. Michaels,1 not one bit of
foode left, for all that ftarving allowance of this wretched
Wethercock, that, if hee would have lanched out his beaver,

might

1 As Saint Michael is one of the firft chapter of the New Canaan. (Su-

Azores, it may have been during this fira, 117.) If the voyage did laft nine

voyage that Morton vifited the ffle of months, it was Auguft or September,

Sal and the tropics, as mentioned in the 1631, before he got back to England.

344 New Englifh Canaan.

might have bought more vittells in New England then he,
and the whole fhip with the Cargazoun, was worth, (as the
paffingers hee carried who vittelled themfelves affirmed).
But hee played the miferable wretch, and had poffeffed his
men with the contrary ; who repented them of waying
anchor before they knew fo much.

Mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount, (after hee had bin in

* 1 88 * the Whales belly,) was fet a more, to fee if hee

would now play Ionas, fo metamorphofed with a

longe voyage that hee looked like Lazarus in the painted

cloath.

But mine Hoft, (after due confideration of the premiffes,)
thought it fitter for him to play Ionas in this kinde, then
for the Seperatifts to play Ionas in that kinde as they
doe. Hee therefore bid Wethercock tell the Seperatifts,
that they would be made in due time to repent thofe
malitious praclifes, and fo would hee too ; for hee was
a Seperatift amongft the Seperatifts, as farre as his wit
would give him leave ; though when hee came in Company
of bafket makers, hee would doe his indevoure to make
them pinne the bafket, if hee could, as I have feene him.
And now mine Hoft, being merrily difpofed, haveing paft
many perillous adventures in that defperat Whales belly,
beganne in a pofture like Ionas, and cryed, Repent you
cruell Seperatifts, repent ; there are as yet but 40. dayes, if
love vouchfafe to thunder, Charter and the Kingdome of the
Seperatifts will fall afunder : Repent you cruell Schifma-
ticks, repent. And in that pofture hee greeted them by
letters retorned into new Canaan ; and ever, (as opportunity
was fitted for the purpofe,) he was both heard and feene in the

pofture

New Englijli Canaan.

345

pofture of Ionas againft them, crying, repent you cruel
Seperatifts, repent ; there are as yet but 40. dayes ; if love
vouchfafe to thunder, the Charter and the Kingdome of the
Seperatifts will fall a funder : Repent, you cruell Schifma-
ticks, repent. If you will heare any more of this procla-
mation meete him at the next markettowne, for
Cynthius aurem vellet}

A TA-

1 " Cum canerem reges et prcelia, Cyn-
thius aurem
Vellit, et admonuit : . . . "

(Virgil, Eclogues, vi. 3-4.)

There are in the New Canaan (Su-
pra, 2S0, 297) two references to certain
imaginary or fpecial gifts from " Phaos
box," which in editing I had been un-
able to explain. Mr. Lindfay Swift
(Supra, 328, note) now fupplies me with
a reference, which, if it is indeed, as
feems moft probable, the allufion which
Morton had in mind, feems to indicate
that his familiarity with claffic authors
was greater than I have been difpofed
to give him credit for. The reference

is to the Varia Hijloria of ^lianus
(lib. xil. cap. xviii.), and reads as fol-
lows : " Phaonem, omnium hominum for-
moriffimum, Venus in laftucis abfcon-
dit. Alii dicunt, eum portitorem fuiffe,
et habuilTe hoc vitae genus. Veniebat
autem aliquando Venus, trajicere vo-
lens; ille vero, nefciens quaenam eflet,
libenter recepit, magnaque cura, quo-
quo voluerat, earn vexit. Pro quibus
mentis Dea alabaftrum ei donavit, et
erat in eo unguentum, quo unclus
Phaon fpecioliffimus hominum evafit,
atque adeo amarunt eum Mitylenen-
fium feminas. Tandem vero deprehen-
fus in adulterio, trucidatus eft."

A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS

OF THE THREE BOOKES:
The Tenents of the firft Booke.

Chapters.
i.

PRooving New England the principall part of all America, and
mojl commodious and fit for a habitation and 'generation.

2. Of the original I of the Natives.

3. Of a great mortallity happened amongft the Natives.

4. Of their Jiowfes and habitations.

5 . Of their R eligion .

6. Of the Indians apparrell.

7. Of their Childbearing.

8. Of their reverence and rcfpecl to age.

9. Of their Juggelling tricks.
1 o. Of their Duclles.

1 1 . Of the maintenance of their reputation.

12. Of their Traffick and trade one with another.

13. Of their Magazines and Storehowfes.

14. Of theire Subtilety.

1 5. Of their admirable perfection in the life of their fences.

16. Of their acknozvlcdgemcnt of the creation and immortality of the

Soule.

1 7. Of their Annalls and Funeralls.

18. Of their Cuftome in burning the Coutitry.

19. Of their Inclination to drunckennes.

20. Of their Philofophicall life.

347 The

348 A Table of the Contents.

The Tenents of the fecond Booke.

Chap.

1 . The generall Survey of the Country.

2. What trees are there and how commodious.

3. What Potherb cs are there and for Sal lets.

4. Of the Birds of the aire and fethered Fowles.

5 . Of the Beafts of the Forrefl.

6. Of Stones and Mineralls.

7. Of the FifJies and what commodity they proove.

8. Of the goodnes of the Country and the Fountaines.

9. A Perfpcclive to view the Country by.
1 o. Of the great Lake of Erocoife.

The Tenents of the third Booke.

Chap.

1 . Of a great leguc made betweene the Salvages and EngliJJi.

2. Of the entertainement of Mafler Weflons people.

3. Of a great Battaile fought betweene the Englifh and the Indians.

4. Of a Parliament held at Weffagufcus .

5 . Of a Maffacre made upon the Salvages.

6. Of the Surprising of a Marchants SJiipp.

7. Of Thomas Mortons Entertainement and wrack.

8. Of the baniflimcnt of John Layford and Iohn Oldam.

9. Of a barren doe of Virginca growne FruitJifull.

10. Of the Mafler of the Ceremonies.

1 1 . Of a Compofition made for a Salvages theft.

1 2. Of a voyage made by the Mafler of the Ceremonies for Beaver.

13. A lamentable fitt of mellancolly cured

14. The Revel Is of New Canaan.

15- Of

A Table of the Contents. 349

15. Of a great Monfter fuppofed to be at Ma-re-Mount.

16. How tJie nine Worthies of New Canaan put mine Hofl of Ma-

re-Mount into an inchaunted Caftle.

17. Of the baccanall Triumphe of New Canaan.

18. Of a Doclor made at a commencement.

1 9. Of the filencing of a Minifier.

20. Of a praclife to get afnare to hamper mine hofl of Ma-re-Mount.

21. Of Captaine Littlewortlis devife for the purchafe of Beaver.

22. Of a Sequeflration in New Canaan.

23. Of a great bonfire made in New Canaan.

24. Of the digradinge and creatiuge of Gentry.

25. Of the manner how the Seperatifis pay their debts.

26. Of the Charity of the Seperatifis.

27. Of the praclife of their Church.

28. Of their Policy in publik Iujlice.

29. Hozv mine Hofl was put into a Whales belly.

30. How Sir Chrifiophcr Gardiner, Knight, fpeed amongfi the

Seperatifis.

31. How mine Hofl of Ma-re-Mount played Jonas after hee got out

of the Whales belly.

FINIS.

THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

OFFICERS

THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

1883.

Prefident.
THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M. . . Boston, Mass.

Vice-PrefideJits.

JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M Boston, Mass.

WILLIAM B. TRASK, Esq Boston, Mass.

THE HON. CHARLES H. BELL, LL.D. . . . Exeter, N. H.

JOHN MARSHALL BROWN, A.M Portland, Me.

Correfponding Secretary.
THE REV. HENRY W. FOOTE, A.M. . . . Boston, Mass.

Recording Secretary.
DAVID GREENE HASKINS, Jr., A.M. . . . Cambridge, Mass.

Treasurer.

ELBRIDGE H. GOSS, Esq Boston, Mass.

THE PRINCE SOCIETY.

1883.

The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. . . . Bofton, Mafs.

Charles Francis Adams, Jr., A.B Quincy, Mafs.

Thomas Coffin Amory, A.M Boflon, Mafs.

William Sumner Appleton, A.M Boflon, Mafs.

Walter T. Avery, Efq New York, N.Y.

Mr. Thomas Willing Balch Philadelphia, Pa.

George L. Balcom, Efq Claremont, N.H.

Charles Candee Baldwin, M.A Cleveland, Ohio.

Samuel L. M. Barlow, Efq. . New York, N.Y.

James Phinney Baxter, A.M Portland, Me.

The Hon. Charles H. Bell, LL.D Exeter, N.H.

John J. Bell, A.M Exeter, N.H.

Samuel Lane Boardman, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. James Ware Bradbury, LL.D. . . . Augufta, Me.

J. Carfon Brevoort, LL.D Brooklyn, N.Y.

The Rev. Phillips Brooks, D.D Bofton, Mafs.

Sidney Brooks, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Horace Brown, A.B., LL.B Salem, Mafs.

Mrs. John Carter Brown Providence, R.l

John Marfhall Brown, A. M Portland, Me.

Jofeph O. Brown, Efq New York, N.Y.

Philip Henry Brown, A.M Portland, Me.

Thomas O. H. P. Burnham, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

George Bement Butler, Efq New York, N.Y.

The Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, A.M Chelfea, Mafs.

The Hon. William Eaton Chandler, A.M. . . . Wafhington, D.C.

George Bigelow Chafe, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Clarence H. Clark, Efq Philadelphia, Pa.

The Priivce Society. 355

Gen. John S. Clark Auburn, N.Y.

The Hon. Samuel Crocker Cobb Bofton, Mafs.

Ethan N. Coburn, Efq Charleftown, Mafs.

Jeremiah Colburn, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Deloraine P. Corey, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Eraftus Corning, Efq Albany, N.Y.

Ellery Bicknell Crane, Efq Worcefter, Mafs.

Abram E. Cutter, Efq Charleftown, Mafs.

William M. Darlington, Efq Pittfburg, Pa.

John Ward Dean, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Charles Deane, LL.D Cambridge, Mafs.

Edward Denham, Efq New Bedford, Mafs.

John Charles Dent, Efq Toronto, Canada.

Prof. Franklin B. Dexter, A.M New Haven, Ct.

The Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, D.D Bofton, Mafs.

Samuel Adams Drake, Efq Melrofe, Mafs.

Henry Thayer Drowne, Efq New York, N. Y.

Henry H. Edes, Efq Charleftown, Mafs.

Jonathan Edwards, A.B., M.D New Haven, Ct.

William Henry Egle, A.M., M.D Harrifburgh, Pa.

Janus G. Elder, Efq Lewifton, Me.

Samuel Eliot, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

Alfred Langdon Elwyn, M.D Philadelphia, Pa.

James Emott, Efq New York, N.Y.

The Hon. William M. Evarts, LL.D New York, N.Y.

Jofeph Story Fay, Efq Woods Holl, Mafs.

John S. H. Fogg, M.D Bofton, Mafs.

The Rev. Henry W. Foote, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Samuel P. Fowler, Efq Danvers, Mafs.

James E. Gale, Efq Haverhill, Mafs.

Ifaac D. Garfield, Efq Syracufe, N.Y.

Marcus D. Gilman, Efq Montpelier, Vt.

The Hon. John E. Godfrey Bangor, Me.

Abner C. Goodell, Jr., A.M Salem, Mafs.

Elbridge H. Gofs, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Juftice Horace Gray, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

William W. Greenough, A.B Bofton, Mafs.

356 The Prince Society.

Ifaac J. Greenwood, A.M New York, N.Y.

Charles H. Guild, Efq Somerville, Mafs.

David Greene Hafkins, Jr., A.M Cambridge, Mafs.

The Hon. Francis B. Hayes, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Rutherford B. Hayes, LL. D. ... Fremont, Ohio.

Thomas Wentworth Higginfon, A.M Cambridge, Mafs.

W. Scott Hill, M.D Augufta, Me.

James F. Hunnewell, Efq Charleftown, Mafs.

Theodore Irwin, Efq Ofwego, N.Y.

The Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M Lawrence, Mafs.

The Hon. Clark Jillfon Worcefter, Mafs.

Mr. Sawyer Junior Nafliua, N.H.

George Lamb, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Edward F. De Lancey, Efq New York, N.Y.

William B. Lapham, M.D Augufta, Me.

Henry Lee, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

John A. Lewis, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Henry Cabot Lodge, Ph.D Bofton, Mafs.

Orfamus H. Marfhall, Efq.' Buffalo, N. Y.

William T. R. Marvin, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

William F. Matchett, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Frederic W. G. May, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

John Norris McClintock, A.M Concord, N.H.

The Rev. James H. Means, D.D Bofton, Mafs.

George H. Moore, LL.D New York, N.Y.

The Rev. James De Normandie, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Prof. Charles E. Norton, A.M Cambridge, Mafs.

John H. Ofborne, Efq Auburn, N.Y.

George T. Paine, Efq. . Providence, R. I.

Nathaniel Paine, Efq Worcefter, Mafs.

John Carver Palfrey, AM Bofton, Mafs.

Daniel Parifh, Jr., Efq New York, N.Y.

Francis Parkman, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

Auguftus T. Perkins, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

The Rt. Rev. William Stevens Perry, D.D., LL.D. Davenport, Iowa.

William Frederic Poole, LL.D Chicago, 111.

Rear Admiral George Henry Preble, U. S. N. . Brookline, Mafs.

The Prince Society. 357

Samuel S. Purple, M.D New York, N.Y.

Edward Aftiton Rollins, A.M. Philadelphia, Pa.

The Hon. Nathaniel Fofter Safford, A.M. . . . Milton, Mafs.

Jofhua Montgomery Sears, A.B Bolton, Mafs.

John Gilmary Shea, LL.D Elizabeth, N.J.

The Hon. Mark Skinner Chicago, 111.

The Rev. Carlos Slafter, A.M Dedham, Mafs.

The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M Bolton, Mafs.

Charles C. Smith, Efq Bolton, Mafs.

Oliver Blifs Stebbins, Efq ' Bolton, Mafs.

George Stevens, Efq Lowell, Mafs.

George Stewart, Jr., Efq Quebec, Canada.

Ruffell Sturgis, A.M London, Eng.

William B. Trade, Efq Bolton, Mafs.

Jofeph B. Walker, A.M Concord, N.H.

William Henry Wardvvell, Efq Bolton, Mafs.

Mils Rachel Wetherill Philadelphia, Pa.

Henry Wheatland, A.M., M.D Salem, Mafs.

John Gardner White, A.M Cambridge, Mafs.

William Adee Whitehead, A.M Newark, N.J.

William H. Whitmore, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

Henry Auftin Whitney, A.M Bofton, Mafs.

The Hon. Marfhall P. Wilder, Ph.D Bofton, Mafs.

Henry Winfor, Efq Philadelphia, Pa.

The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D Bofton, Mafs.

Charles Levi Woodbury, Efq Bofton, Mafs.

Afhbel Woodward, M.D Franklin, Ct.

J. Otis Woodward, Efq Albany, N.Y.

LIBRARIES.

American Antiquarian Society Worcefter, Mafs.

Amherfl College Library Amherft, Mafs.

Aftor Library New York, N.Y.

Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, France.

Bodleian Library Oxford, Eng.

Bofton Athenaeum Bolton, Mafs.

Bofton Library Society . . . Bofton, Mafs.

358 The Prince Society.

]g-

Britifli Mufeum London, En<

Concord Public Library "... Concord, Mafs.

Eben Dale Sutton Reference Library Peabody, Mafs.

Free Public Library Worcefter, Mafs.

Free Public Library of Toronto Toronto, Canada.

Gloucefter Public Library Gloucefter, Mafs.

Grofvenor Library Buffalo, N. Y.

Harvard College Library Cambridge, Mafs.

Hiftorical Society of Pennfylvania Philadelphia, Pa.

Library Company of Philadelphia Philadelphia, Pa.

Library of Parliament Ottawa, Canada.

Library of the State Department Wafhington, D.C.

Literary and Hiftorical Society of Quebec . . . Quebec, Canada.

Long Ifland Hiftorical Society Brooklyn, N.Y.

Maine Hiftorical Society Portland, Me.

Maryland Hiftorical Society Baltimore, Md.

Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society Bofton, Mafs.

Mercantile Library New York, N.Y.

Minnefota Hiftorical Society St. Paul, Minn.

Newburyport Public Library, Peabody Fund . . Newburyport, Mafs.

New England Hiftoric Genealogical Society . . Bofton, Mafs.

Newton Free Library Newton, Mafs.

New York Society Library New York, N.Y.

Peabody Inftitute of the City of Baltimore . . . Baltimore, Md.

Plymouth Public Library Plymouth, Mafs.

Portfmouth Athenaeum Portfmouth, N.H.

Public Library of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio.

Public Library of the City of Bofton Bofton, Mafs.

Redwood Library Newport, R.I.

State Hiftorical Society of Wifconfin Madifon, Wis.

State Library of Maffachufetts Bofton, Mafs.

State Library of New York Albany, N.Y.

State Library of Rhode Ifland Providence, R.I.

State Library of Vermont Montpelier, Vt.

Williams College Library Williamftown, Mafs.

Woburn Public Library Woburn, Mafs.

Yale College Library New Haven, Ct.

PUBLICATIONS OF THE SOCIETY.

New England's Prospect

A true, lively and experimental! defcription of that part of America, commonly called
New England : difcovering the State of that Countrie, both as it Hands to our new-come
Englijh Planters; and to the old Natiue Inhabitants. By William Wood. London,
1634. Preface by Charles Deane, LL.D.

The Hutchinson Papers.

A Collection of Original Papers relative to the Hiftory of the Colony of Maffachufetts-
Bay. Reprinted from the edition of 1769. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M., and
William S. Appleton, A.M. 2 vols.

John Dunton's Letters from New England.

Letters written from New England A.D. 16S6. By John Dunton in which are
defcribed his voyages by Sea, his travels on land, and the characters of his friends
and acquaintances. Now firft publifhed from the Original Manufcript in the Bodleian
Library, Oxford. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M

The Andros Tracts.

Being a Collection of Pamphlets and Official Papers iffued during the period between
the overthrow of the Andros Government and the eflablifhment of the fecond Charter of
Maffachufetts. Reprinted from the original editions and manufcripts. With a Memoir
of Sir Edmund Andros, by the editor, William H. Whitmore, A.M. 3 vols.

Sir William Alexander and American Colonization.

Including three Royal Charters, iffued in 1621, 1625, 162S ; a Tract entitled an
Encouragement to Colonies, by Sir William Alexander, 1624; a Patent, from the Great
Council for New England, of Long Ifland, and a part of the prefent State of Maine ; a
Roll of the Knights Baronets of New Scotland; with a Memoir of Sir William Alex-
ander, by the editor, the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M.

John Wheelwright.

Including his Faft-day Sermon, 1637 ; his Mercurius Americanus, 1645, and other
writings , with a paper on the genuinenefs of the Indian deed of 1629, and a Memoir by
the editor, Charles H. Bell, A.M.

360 Publications of the Society.

Voyages of the Northmen to America.

Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to Western voyages by Northmen in
the tenth and eleventh centuries, in an Englilh translation by North Ludlow Beamifh ;
with a Synopfis of the historical evidence and the opinion of Profcffor Rafn as to the
places vifited by the Scandinavians on the coaft of America. Edited, with an Introduc-
tion, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M.

The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain.

Including the Voyage of 1603, and all contained in the edition of 1613, and in that of
1619 ; tranflated from the French by Charles P. Otis, Ph.D. Edited, with a Memoir and
historical illuflrations, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 3 vols.

New English Canaan, or New Canaan.

Containing an abstract of New England, compofed in three books. I. The first fetting
forth the Originall of the Natives, their Manners and Cuftomes, together with their trada-
ble Nature and Love towards the English. II. The Natural Indowments of the Coun-
trie, and what Staple Commodities it yieldeth. III. What People are planted there, their
Profperity, what remarkable Accidents have happened fince the firft planting of it, together
with their Tenents and practice of their Church. Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords
Inne, Gent, upon ten Years Knowledge and Experiment of the Country, 1632. Edited,
with an Introduction and hiftorical illustrations, by Charles Francis Adams, Jr., A.B.

VOLUMES IN PREPARATION.

1. Captain John Mason, the founder of New Hampfhire, including his Tract on New-
foundland, 1620, the feveral American Charters in which he was a Grantee, and other
papers ; and a Memoir by the late Charles W. Tuttle, Ph.D. Edited, with hiftorical illuf-
trations, by John Ward Dean, A.M.

2. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, including his Tract entitled A Brief Narration, 1658,
American Charters granted to him, and other papers ; with hiftorical Illustrations and
a Memoir by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M.

3. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, including his Difcourfe to prove a Paffage by the North-
Weft to Cathaia and the Eaft Indies ; his Letters Patent to difcover and poffefs lands in
North America, granted by Queen Elizabeth, June 11, 1578. With hiftorical Illustrations
and a Memoir.

4. Sir Walter Ralegh and his Colony in America. Containing the Royal
Charter of Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Ralegh for difcovering and planting of new
lands and countries, March 25, 1584, with letters, difcourfes, and narratives of the
Voyages made to Virginia at his charges, with original defcriptions of the country, com-
modities, and inhabitants. Edited, with a Memoir and hiftorical illustrations, by the
Rev. Increafe N. Tarbox, D.D.

WT^y

INDEX.

<$»

INDEX.

Aberdeceft, 130, n.

Acomenticus : charter granted to, by
Gorges, 81; Morton dies at, 91.

Adams, John : on name of Merry-
Mount, 14, n. ; on fate of Wollafton,
15 ; on Thomas Morton, 95, n. ; in-
juries to library of, 101, n.

Adams, John Q., 101.

Adders, 213.

./Elianus, 345, n.

Air of New England, 121, 137, 177, 190.

Alcides, 292.

Alefto, 275.

Alexander, Sir William, quoted, 140,
167.

Alder, the, 186.

Allen, J. A., notes on wild animals of
New England by, 199-215.

Allerton, Ifaac : his courfe toward
Morton in England, 35, 303 ; his
miffion to England in 1629, 36; car-
ries Morton back to Plymouth, 36 ;
tries to obtain charter for Plymouth,
52 ; brings over goods, 289, n.

Allize, 225.

Alfatian Squire, the, 92.

Amphitrite, 277, 281.

Animals, wild of New England, chap-
ter on, 199-215.

Antinomian controverfy, 81, 323, n.

Antonomafia, 316.

Anunhne, 123, n.

Arbor-vitae, 185, n.

Archimedes, 291.

Argus eyes, 303.

Ariftotle, cited, 117, 118.

Armoniack, 219.

Arms. (See Fire-arms.)

Arthur's Table, King, 290.

Arundel, Earl of, 60, 70.

Afcowke, 213.

Afh, the, 1 S3.

Afpinwall, William, 319, n.

Audubon, John James, quoted, 131, n. ;
192, n.

Auk, the great, formerly found in Bof-
ton Bay, 131, n.

Bacchanal Triumph, poem, 290-4.
Bagnall, Walter, 22, 206, ;/., 218, n.
Baptifm, 331, n.
" Barren doe, the," 94, 264-6, 272-7.

364

Index.

Barrowe, Henry, on Common Prayer,
332, n.

Bafs, 222.

Beach, the, 183.

Bears : ufed by Indians, 142-4 ; value
of fkins of, 205 ; defcription of, 209 ;
Indian methods of hunting, 210 ;
flefh of, 210.

Beaver : value of fkins of, 22, 205, 295 ;
gain in, 32,282 ; regulation of trade
in, 39, 306 ; virtues of tails of, 162,
205 ; defcription of, 204 ; mufkrats
paffed for, 211; Dutch trade in, 239,
;/. ; a theft compounded in, 269;
plenty of, at Nipnet, 270 ; compared
to Jafon's Fleece, 295.

Bible, the, 94, 212, 260.

Bibliography of New Canaan, 99.

Billington, John, 217.

Birch, the, 186.

Birds, chapter on, 189-99.

Black-lead, 219.

Blackftone, William : moves from Wef-
faguffet to Bofton, 24 ; contributes
to Morton's arreft, 30; an Epifco-
palian, 94.

Bluefifh, 222.

Bole Armoniack, 219.

Book of Common Prayer, 22, 68, 82,
168, 260, 283, 311 ; an idol, 69, 332 ;
Morton perfecuted for ufing, 92-5.

Book of Sports, 260, ;/.

Bofton Bay : favages about in 1625, n ;
fettlers about in 1628, 24; defcrip-
tion of in 1630, 122; great auks
feen in, 131, n. ; French veflel
wrecked in, 131, n.

Bradford, John, on Common Prayer,
332, n.

Bradford, Governor William : cited, I,

6, 13, 18, 20, 22, 25, 27, 31, 35, 36, 37,

46, 49, 52, 79, 92, 133, «., 205, n., 217,

»., 323, «., 325, n., 330, «., 332, n. ;

letters of, on arreft of Morton, 30 ;

generally correct, 49; literary fkill

of, 96 ; abfence of humor in, 97, 98 ;

referred to as Rhadamant, 291, n.
Brant, 189, 268.
Breames, 227.
Brereton, Sir William, grant to, from

John Gorges, 34.
Brewfter, William, notes on birds by,

189-99, »•! 226, 11.
Briareus, 288.
Bridges, Robert, 90.
Bright, Rev. Francis, 300, n., 325, n.
Brimftone, 220.
Briftol, 2.

Brown, Peter, 214.
Browne, Robert, 323, n.
Brutus, fuppofed defcent of Indians

from, 126, 127, 129.
Bubble, 266-8, 270-3.
Buckingham, Duke of, 178, n.
Burdet, Rev. George, correfponds

with Laud, 83, 88.
Burglary, 319, n.
Burning undergrowth : Indian cuftom

of, 172, 184, 186 ; protection againft,

173-

Burfley, John, at Weflaguflet, 24, 31,

162, n.
Buzzard's Bay, 266.
Butler, Samuel, 96, 98, 251, n.

Caen, William and Emery de, 235, n.
Caiaphas, 300, 302, n.
Cain, 312.

Index.

365

Campbell, Lord : on royal proclama-
tions, 26 ; cited, 35.

Canada : derivation of name, 235 ; firft
conqueft of, 235, n.

Canary Iflands : as a market, 182, 222 ;
Morton at, 342-3.

Cane, 275.

Canonicus, funeral rites of his fon,
170, ;/.

Cape Ann : Lyford moves to, 24; Mor-
ton at, 261.

Cape Cod, 21, 23, 226; French veffel
•wrecked on, 131, n.

Cape Verde Iflands, 116, 117, n.

Carheil, Father, cited, 17.

Caribdis, 277, 280.

Catttip Keen, 137, n.

Carlifle, Earl of, 70.

Cafco Bay, 221 ; royalifts about, 85.

Cau-ompjk, 124, n.

Cecrops, 293.

Cedars : at Mount Wollafton, 10 ;
where to be found large, 173 ; abun-
dance and fizeof, 184 ; white, 185, n.

Cerberus, 294.

Chalk-ftones, 216.

Champlain, lake : protection for dif-
covery of, 77 ; Morton on, 78 ; Jof-
felyn's expedition to difcover, 79 ;
when named, 234, n. (See Erocoife.)

Champlain : his Voyages quoted, 149,
71., 150, n. ; his map. 236, n.

Charity of the Separatists, 320.

Charity, the, comes to New England
in June, 1622, 7, 130.

Chauqiiaqock, 254. n.

Charles I. : corruption of court of, 52 ;
character and government of, 54;
financial ftraits of, in 1635, 73 \ turn-
ing point in fortunes of, 78.

Charleftown : fettlement of, 34, 300,
n. ; deacons of church of, 319.

Charon, 274.

Charter party, 304, 316, 317. (See
Cradock, Matthew.)

Chaftity, abfence of, among Indians,
16, 17, 145, n.

Chelfea, 229, 300.

CJieJJietite, 148.

Cheftnut, the, 183.

Chickatawbut, dwelling-place of, 11 ;
cunning of, 162, ?i. ; his mother's
grave defpoiled, 170, 247 ; fpeech of,
247-9 '■> Wefton's men living with,
252.

Chingachgook, 213, n.

Chriftmas, 18, 97; "brave gambols,"
294.

Church practices in New England,
69, 260, 262, 322-34.

Church of England : Winthrop's de-
teftation of, 63 ; and Morton, 92 ;
and Lyford, 263 ; dignity of, ad-
vanced in New England by Mor-
ton, 283 ; Ratcliff a member of,

317.

Churching of women, 331, ;/.

Cicero, quoted, 139, 181, 312.

Cithyrea, 278.

Clams, 227.

Clarendon, Lord, cited, 52.

Clayton's Virginia, cited, 199, n., 208,

n., 210, n., 214, n.
Cleaves, George: Morton in employ

of, 77 ; in employ of Rigby, 84 ; "a

fire-brand of diffenfion," 85.
Clerk, Roger, 300, n.
Cockles, 227.
Coddington, Governor William, writes

to Winthrop about Morton, 85.

Index.

Cod-fifh, 221 ; markets for, 222 ; fu-
periority of New England, ib.

Cod-liver oil, 222.

Coins, old, found at Richmond Ifiand,
218, n.

Coke, Sir Edward, on proclamations,

Colchos, 292. [26, 35.

Commiffions, fyftem of, in favor at
court of Charles I., 57.

Conies, 204, 210, 211.

Common Prayer : Book of, treatment
of in Maffachufetts, 69; trouble oc-
cafioned by in Scotland, 82 ; Mor-
ton's ufe of, caufe of his perfecution,
92, 260, 283 ; reference to in New
Canaan, 93, 169; an idol, 332, n.

Connecticut, Blue Laws of, 252, n.

Copper, 220.

Cormorants, 226.

Cos, 124, 217.

Cottington, Lord, 60.

Cotton, John, 98.

Council for New England : efforts of
to fettle the Maffachufetts, 2 ; grant
to Robert Gorges, 3 ; fecures pro-
clamation about fale of fire-arms to
Indians, 20 ; gives patent to Com-
pany of Maffachufetts Bay, 31 ; quar-
rel of with Maffachufetts Company,
33 ; unequal to the emergency in
1634, 59 ; plan for dividing territory
of, 59 ; divides New England, 70 ;
furrender of patent by, 72 ; records
of quoted, 130, 11., 196, n. , iffues
patent to Walter Bagnall, 219, n.

Court : held at Salem, 306 ; at Bofton,
to try Morton, 311.

Cradock, Governor Matthew, 298, 11. ;
before Privy Council, 51, 56; "an
impofterous knave," 62 ; default of

in quo warranto proceedings, 75 ;
on Morton, jj ; Matter Charter-
party 304, «., 316, 317.

Cranes, 192.

Cromwell, Oliver, 83.

Crows, 195.

Crow-blackbirds, 198.

Cupid, 278.

Cyprefs-trees, 185.

Cynthius, 345.

Dagon, 32, n.

Davis, Captain John, 104, 118, n.

Deaconefs, 323.

Deacons, 322.

Deane, Charles : cited, 30, 56 ; accur-
acy of, 56.

Decaincron, 94.

De Cofta, B. F. : quoted, 92-4 ; re-
ferred to, 100.

Deer: fkins of, 135, 142-3, 202; killed
by Indians, 162 ; followed by fcent,
166; kinds of, 200-2 ; preyed on by
wolves, 204, 208 ; and luzerans, 206.

Deer-traps, 202.

Deer Ifiand, 155, 11. , 204, n.

Delilah, 281.

Demas, part of, 302, n.

Demophoon, 273.

Dermer, Captain Thomas : redeems
captives, 131, n. ; quoted concerning
peftilence of 1616, 133, n.

Devil, the : eftimation of among In-
dians, 139, n., 150, n., 165, 167;
rules the Powows, 178.

Dexter, Rev. H. M., 244, n.

Diogenes, 178 ; tub of, 286.

Dodge, General, cited, 169, n., 174, «.

" Doe, the barren," 94, 264-6, 272-7.

Index.

2>(>7

Dog-fifh, 223, n.

Don Quixote, 94, 272, 286.

Dorchefter, Lord, 53.

Dorfet, Earl of, 60.

Dover, N. H., Hiltons at, 30.

Downing, Emanuel : before Privy Coun-
cil, 51 ; account of, 52; inftrucled to
find evidence againft Morton, 88 ;
on humming-bird, 198, n.

Drails, 223.

Drunkennefs, Indian tendency to, 174.

Ducks: kinds of, 190 ; preyed on by
luzeran, 206, n.

Dudley, Governor Thomas, 43, 80, 90 ;
cited, 4, 46.

Duxbury, 84.

Eacus, 288, 293, 294, 309.

Eager, Pallor Mafter. {See Skejton.)

Eaft Indies, 239.

Edmunds, Sir Thomas, 60.

Eels, 224.

Egypt, 240.

Elder-tree, the, 186.

Elders of church, 313, 322.

Elephants, their fuppofed religion,
141, n.

Elias houfe, 310.

Eliot, Dr. John, 326, n.

Eliot, John, quoted, 124, 129, n.

Elk, 200, n. .

Ellis, Rev. Dr. G. E., quoted, 145, n.

Elm, the, 183.

En a7iimia, 123.

Endicott, John : arrival of, at Salem,
31; vifits Mt. Wollafton, 32; oc-
cupies the Gorges grant, 34; his

inftruttions, 38, 40, 45 ; meets " old
planters," 39, 306 ; attempts to rear-
reft Morton, 43 ; derided by Morton,
45 ; mutilates royal ftandard, 66 ;
{flues warrant to arreft Morton,
86; governor, 88; libelled in New
Canaan, 88, 304 ; called Littleworth,
220, 298-9, 304, 306, 308, 31S ; Mor-
ton's animofity to, 220, n. ; cured of
a wife, 298, n. ; fends fettlers to
Charleftown, 300, n. ; at Salem,
303-7 ; and the charter cafe, 305 ;
fraud imputed to, 308 ; punifhes
Ratcliff, 316; fecond marriage of,

33°> «•
Epicletus, 312, n.

Epifcopalians : take up Morton's caufe,

92; in early Maffachufetts, 95, 218,

11.
Erocoife, lake of, 78, 234-7, 24°> 241.

{See Champlain.)
Efculapius, 278.
Executions. (See Hanging.)
Exercifing in church, by lay members,

262, »., 322-30.

Faircloath, Innocence {See Ratcliff.)

Fairfax, Lord, 83.

Falcons and falconry, 6, 196.

Falkland, Lord, 83.

Falftaff, 278, n.

Fauftus, Dr., 319.

Fire-arms : fupplied to Indians, 20, 95 ;

trade in forbidden, 21 ; in hands of

Indians in 1628, 25.
Firing the country. {See Burning.)
Fifh, poifonous in the tropics, 116, n. ;

kinds of in New England, 221-8.

368

Index.

Fifheries, veffels engaged in, 221.
Fitcher : a partner of Wollafton, 4;

left in charge at Mt. Wollafton and

expelled by Morton, 13.
Finch, Sir John, 35.
Flora, patronefs of May-day, 19, 281.
Flounders, 226.
Flowers in New England, 228.
Footmen, running, 329.
Force's Trails, 99.
Foxes, 206-8.

Fox-fkins, value of, 205, «., 207, n.
Franchife, the, in Maffachufetts, 331,

11.

Freeles, 227.

French authority, on Indians' fenfes,
166.

Frenchmen, captured, among Indians,
131, n.

" Froth, Nick and," 328, n.

Fuller, Dr. Samuel : dies of peftilence,
133, n. ; fuppofed to be alluded to
as Eacus, 288, 291, «., 309 ; note on,
297 ; at Salem, 298.

Furmety, 163, u. ; 296.

Furs : profit of trade in, 22, 32 ; regula-
tion of trade in, 39 ; Indian ufe of,
141-4; prices of, 205, ;/., 207, n.,
209. (See Beaver, Deer, Bear.)

Galena, found in Woburn, 219, n.

Ganymede, 279.

Gardiner, Sir Chriftopher: before Privy
Council, 50, 86 ; his prefatory verfes
to New EngliJJi Carman, 112; on
defcent of Indians, 128; intercedes
for Ratcliff, 320; note on, 338;

adventures of, 338-42; fonnet by,

34i.

Geefe: defcriptions of, 189-90 ; preyed
on by luzeran, 206, n.

Gellius, Aulus, quoted, 312, n.

Gentry, created and degraded by Win-
throp, 313.

Gerard's Herbal, referred to, 185.

Ghent, 236.

Gibbons, Major Edward, 90-1.

Gifte, the, 44, 289.

Gloucefter, Morton at, 86.

Golgotha, a new-found, 133.

Goodman, John : adventure of, with a
wolf, 208, n. ; hears lions roar, 214, n.

Gookin, Daniel, quoted, 160, 174.

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 2, 3, 36, 47,
95 ; procures iffues of proclamation
on fire-arms, 21 ; his curiofity as to
New England, 32 ; Morton ingra-
tiates himfelf with, 36 ; in correfpon-
dence with Morton, 41, 47 ; intrigues
againft Maffachufetts, 49 ; failure in,
53 ; works through Court influences,
54 ; renews complaints againft Maf-
fachufetts, 56; fhapes Laud's policy
to New England, 58 ; his plan, 58 ;
to be governor-general, 59 ; his in-
fluence with Lords Commifiioners,
60 ; reprefents " thorough " in New
England, 60, 74 ; thought to be on
the New England coaft in 1635, 66;
his plans in 1635, 67 ; circumvents
Winflow, 68 ; grantee of Maine from
Council for New England, 71 ; ap-
pointed by King, governor-general,
71 ; failure of, caufed by want of
money, 72 ; age of, 75, n. ; death
of Mafon fatal to plans of, 76 ; pub-
lication of New Canaan not agree-

Index.

369

able to, 80 ; pretends to be friendly
to Maffachufetts, 80; " cafheers "
Morton, 80 ; grants charter to Aco-
menticus, 81; career of, 119, n. ;
eulogized, 189 ; Sir C. Gardiner, an
agent of, 338, n.

Gorges, John : fucceeds to R. Gorges's
grant, 33 ; deeds land to Brereton
and Oldham, 34, 40.

Gorges, Lord, 71.

Gorges, Captain Robert, 2, 33, 143,
162 ; arrives in Bofton Bay, 3 ; ex-
tent of his grant, 3 ; returns to Eng-
land, 4 ; validity of grant to, denied,
34 ; arrefts Wefton, 257, n.

Gofhawks, 197.

Gover, Anna, 298.

Grant, John, 62.

Grapes in New England, 186,

Gray, ProfefTor Afa, 182, 188.

Greek, fuppofed refemblance of Indian
words to, 123, 126.

Greene, Charles, 99-101.

Greene, Richard, in charge of Weffa-
guffet fettlement, 7.

Greenland, exceffive cold of, 118.

Groufe in New England, 194, u.

" Habbe or nabbe," 335.
Hacche, Roger atte, 300, n.
Hake, 226.

Hale, Robert, 319, n.
Halibut, 225.
Hame, 124.

Hamilton, Marquis of, 70.
Hampden, John, 83.
Handmaid, the, Morton's voyage in,
45, 342-5-

Hanging: the Weymouth, 217, 249-52;

early in Maffachufetts, 217, n. ; in

Virginia, 342.
Hannibal, 263.
Hares, 204.

Harris, Rev. Thaddeus Mafon, 101, 11.
Harvard Univerfity : Library bulletin

referred to, 99-100; ftudents at,

whipped, 319, 11.
Hawks and falcons in New England,

195-7-

" Hawk and buzzard," 336.

Hawthorn-trees, 1S6.

Heath-hen, 194, 71.

Hebrew tribes, 310; origin of Indians
traced to, 129, n.

Hedgehogs, 211.

Hemlock-trees, 185, n.

Hemp in New England, 187, 202, 231.

Herbs of New England, 188, 228.

Herons, 192.

Herring, 224.

Hickory, 183, n.

Higginfon, Rev. F., quoted, 213, n.,
221, n., 232, «., 300, 11.

Higginfon, T. W., quoted, 312, n.

Hiltons, the : at Pifcataqua, 23 ; contri-
bute to Morton's arreft, 30.

" Hippeus pine-tree horfe," 2S4.

Holbein, Hans, 253, n.

Holland, 70, 288.

Hollis, Sir William, 253, n.

Horace, quoted, 119.

Horeb, the calf of, 278.

Horfe-mackerel, 223, n.

Howes, Edward, 317, n.

Howes, Edward, Jr., 334, n.

Hudibras, 96, 251, n., 339, ft.

Hudfon, Hendrick, voyages and fate of,
1 1 8, n.

Index.

Hudfon, the, 236, n., 238.

Hull, fo called in 1628, 24, 337, n.

Hume, David, on royal proclamations,

26.
Humfrey, John : before Privy Council,

51 ; '*an impoflerous knave," 62, 64;

goes to New England, 64; Gorges

refers to patience of, 80.
Humming-bird, 102, «., 198.
Hunt, Captain Thomas, 244, n.
Hutchinlbn, Mrs. Ann, 81, 323, n.
Hyde, Sir Nicholas, 35.
Hydra, 286, 287, 292, 293.

Indians : Morton's popularity with,
10; number in Maflachufetts, 11 ;
modefty of women, 16; defire for
guns and fpirits, 20 ; fire-arms
among, 20, 25 ; peflilence of 1616
among, 120, 133, n. ; origin of,
123-9 > language of, 123 ; de-
fendants of Hebrew tribes, 129, n. ;
Frenchmen captives among, 131 ;
their wigwams, 134-8; their eating,
137, n. ; their hofpitality, 137, 11. ;
their games and removals, 138;
their religion, 139-41, 167; their
drefs, 141-5; their trade, 141, 157-
9 ; their modefty, 142 ; their children
born white, 147, n. ; their bodies
well fhaped, 147; color of their eyes,
148, 165 ; their refpect to age, 148-
50; their conjuring tricks, 150-3;
their duels, 153-4; their money, 157
-9; their manufactures, 159; their
florehoufes, 160; their bafkets, 160;
did not ufe fait, 161 ; their cunning,

161-5; acutenefs of their fenfes,
165-6; diftinguifh French from
Spanifh by fmell, 166; crimes among,
169; their funerals, 169-71 ; thievery
among, 169; their cuftom of firing
the country, 172; diftant com-
merce of, 172, 220, «., 237; con-
tented life of, 175; fuperiority to
Englifh beggars, 175-6; utenfils and
method of drinking, 177; deer-traps
of, 202 ; method of hunting bears,
209-10 ; lobfter-feafts of, 226; belied
by Plymouth people, 256 ; compound
theft at Weffaguffet, 269 ; accom-
pany Bubble to Nipnet, 270 ; return
his property, 272 ; witnefs Morton's
punifhment, 312; reprove punifh-
ment of Morton, 312. (See Mafla-
chufetts.)

Indian women: abfence of chaftity
among, 16, 17, 145; Morton's rela-
tions with, 94 ; their drefs, 144 ; their
modefty, 145 ; their child-bearing,
145-8 ; their care of their infants,
147.

Ireland, no venomous beafts in, 48.

Irocoife, the great lake. {See Cham-
plain.)

Iron-ftones, 219.

Iroquois, 234.

Ifles of Shoals, Morton at, 29, 296,
302.

Ifraelites, 310 ; origin of Indians traced
to, 129, n., 160, 11.

J-

Jackals, 207, n., 214, n.
James I., 16, 35; fends fnake-ftones
to Virginia, 214, n.

Index.

37i

Jafon, 292 ; Golden Fleece of, 295.

Jeffreys, William : at Weffaguffet, 24,
31, 162, n. ; correfponds with Gorges,
60, n. ; letters of Morton to, 61, S6 ;
carries letters to Winthrop, 65 ; let-
ters from quoted, 102.

Jews, origin of Indians traced to, 129, u.

Job, 281.

Johnfon, Edward, 250.

Jonah, 103, 302, 327, 342-5-

Jonfon, Ben, 98 ; may have met Mor-
ton, 96; note on "poem," 290, 312,
n. ; quoted, 335, 11.

Jordan, 310.

JoiTelyn, Captain John, quoted, 16, «.,
133. n~> x36, n., 137, »., 147, «•, I58>
»., 160, «., 171, n., 182, «., 185, n.,
189, «., 191, n., 198, «., 201, «., 205,
«., 206, «., 210, n., 212, n., 214, #.,
217, «., 221, «., 232, «., 235, n.

Joffelyn, Henry, 237; date of expedi-
tion of, to New Hampfhire, 79, 238.

" Jove, let, vouchfafe to thunder," 62,

i°3, H3, 345-
Jupiter, 279.

Kantantowwit, 168, n.

Kennebec : Morton follows Plymouth
people to the, 23, 295 ; Plymouth
grant on the, 36.

Kennet, White, 99.

Kytan, an Indian god, 139, n., 167, n.,
168, 169.

Killock, 262.

King's Bench, warrant did not run in
MafTachufetts, 47.

Kirk, David, Louis and Thomas, con-
quer! of Canada by, 235, n.

Kodliep Ken, 137, n.
Koiis, 124, n.

Laconia, 235, 238, n.
Lannerets, 196, 198.
Larks, 195.

Latin, fuppofed fimilarity with Indian
tongue, 123-6.

Laud, Archbilhop William : becomes
Primate, 55 ; influence of, 57 ; head
of Lords Commiffioners, 58, 60, 93,
322 ; played upon by Gorges, 64 ; and
Morton, 68, 93, 322-34 ; New Eng-
land not to be fuffered to languifh,
71 ; fupreme in England in 1635, 74 ;
his fortunes turn, 78 ; correfponds
with Burdet, 83 ; orders Common
Prayer to be ufed, 333, n.

Lazarus, 344.

Lead ore, 219.

Leadftones, 219.

Learning, vilified in New England,
282.

Leather, made by Indians, 142, 201.

Lechford's Plaine Dealing quoted,
147, 322-34.

Lenox, Duke of, 70.

Lerna, lake, 292.

Lewis, Alonzo, quoted, 129.

Libertines, New England will not

brook, 48.
Lime, 215.

Limeftone in Weymouth, 216, n.
Lions in New England, 214.
Little worth. (See Endicott.)
Lobfters, 209, 226, 265.
Lords Commiffioners of Plantations :

appointment of board of, 58, 100 ;

372

Index,

who compofed, 60 ; powers of, 60 ;
news of appointment of, in Mafla-
chufetts, 65 ; laft meeting of, 81 ;
Morton's dependence on, 93 ; dedi-
cation of New Canaan to, 109, 322.

Louis XI., 326.

Lowndes's Manual, 100.

Lucan, 141.

Lufcus, 263.

Luzerans : defcription of, 200 ; value
of furs of, 205, n.

Lyford, Rev. John : at Hull, 24, 264 ;
moves to Cape Ann, 24 ; at Ply-
mouth, 262-4, 332, n.

Lyman, Theodore, notes on fifh,
221-8.

Machiavelli, 339.

Machdug, 237, n.

Mackerel, 223.

Mackerel-fhark, 223, n.

Maine: trading- ftations in, 23, 218,221 ;
royalifts in, 85.

Maja, 281.

Manchefter, Earl of, 60.

Manittooes, 207, n.

Maple, 186.

Marble in New England, 215.

Marblehead, quality of ftone at, 215, n.

Ma-re-Mount, 14. (See Merry Mount.)

Marlins, 198.

Marriage in Maffachufetts, a civil con-
trad, 69, 330.

Mars, 292.

Martens : value of furs of, 205, n. ; de-
fcribed, 206.

Mary &* John, arrival of at Hull, 42.

MaJ/ce, the North Star, 125.

Mafon, Captain John: hoftile to Maffa-
chufetts, 49 ; grantee of New Hamp-
shire from Council of New England,
71 ; builds fhips to take governor-
general to New England, 73 ; finan-
cial needs of, 74; death of, and note
on, 76, 238.

Maffachufetts : latent fpirit of rebellion
in, in 1632, 51,66; emigration to, in
i634, 55 ; panic in, in 1635, 66, 7* 5
preparations againft, in 1635, 67 ;
church practices in, 69, 322-34;
complaints againft, in 1638, 81 ; ap-
peals to king a mifdemeanor in, 87;
location and advantages of, 112;
elk feen in, 200, n. ; population of,
in 1632-7, 230; baptifm limited to
franchife in, 331, n.\ defcription of
community in, 334, ;/. ; juftice in,

334-6.

Maffachufetts Charter: attack on in
Privy Council, in 1632, 49; obtained
by influence, 52 ; fent for by Privy
Council, 56 ; fecond attack on, 58,
61; not returned to England, 64;
plan for vacating, 67 ; quo warranto
proceedings to fet afide, 75 ; demand
for return of, in 1638, 82.

Maffachufetts Company : grant to, 31 ;
difficulty of, with Council of New
England, 33 ; procures charter, 34 ;
"old planters," jealoufy of, 38; in-
ftruaions of, to Endicott, 38, 40, 45 ;
policy of, to, 39; regulates trade in
furs, 39 ; complaints againft, 50 ;
treafurer of, 305 ; patent-cafe of,

305.
Maffachufetts Indians: number of, 11 ;

Wefton's men killed by, 252, n. ;

humanity of, 256.

Index.

373

Maffafoit : a night in his lodge, 136, n. ;

detains Samofet, 244, n.
Mather, Cotton, quoted, 129, n., 132, n.,

150, «., 152, »., 160, n., 175, «.,

331, «.

Matta, 237.

Mattapan, 12, 124.

Maverick, Rev. John, 325, «.

Maverick, Samuel : fays that Morton
had a patent, 8 ; moves from Weffa-
guffet to Noddle's Ifland, 24; in
conneclion with Morton's arreft, 30;
his afteffment for charge of Morton's
arreft, 30 ; cited, 46 ; refers to Mor-
ton's arraignment at Bolton, 88 ; an
Epifcopalian, 94.

May, Thomas, quoted, 141, n.

Mayberry, S. P., on Walter Bagnall,
218, n.

May-day feftivities : immorality of, 18 ;
at Mount Wollafton, 18, 276-82.

May-pole, the : of Merry-Mount, 17,
270, 295 ; cuftom of erecting, 17 ;
cut down by Endicott, 32.

Medufa, 292.

Meechin, 137.

Melpomene, 275.

Menhaden, 225, n., 226, n.

Mephiftopheles, 319.

Mermaid, the, 97.

Merriam, Mr., identifies fimpes as
woodcock, 191, ;/.

Merry-Mount : fountain at, 276 ; May-
day at, 276-84 ; to be made a woeful
mount, 278 ; monfter at, 282. (See
Mt. Wollafton.)

Metawna, 194, n.

Mice, 214.

Milo, 270.

Milton, John, quoted, 129.

Minerals of New England, 215-21.

Miniiters : ordination of, at Plymouth,
262; at Salem, 300, «., 306; ufe of
notes by, 322, n. ; ordination of, in
New England, 324 ; fuperior to
magiftrates in New England, ib. ;
firft in New England, 325, n. ; ab-
fent-mindednefs of a, ib. ; did not
marry in New England, 330.

Minifters' fons, whipped, 319, n.

Minos, 275, 293, 294, 309.

Mint and Cummin, tithes of, 102, in,
280, 333.

Mittannug, 193, n.

Afona, 124.

Monatoquit, 9, 28, 285 ; limeftone near
to, 216.

Money, Indian. (See Wampum.)

Monfall, Ralph, 319, n.

Monthly Anthology, 101, 320.

Moofe, description and ufes of, 142,
200.

Morell, Rev. William, quoted, 143, n.

Morton, Nathaniel, cited, 5.

Morton, Thomas : comes to MafTachu-
fetts with Wollafton, 1 ; fufpetted of
murder, 2, 15, 46 ; his previous life,
4-5 ; his acquaintance with claffics,
4, 345, ;/. ; his firft coming to New
England, 6 ; his filence about Wol-
lafton, 13 ; inaccuracy of, 14, 63, 96,
123, «., 335, n. ; his fondnefs for
field fports, 15 ; his treatment of
Indians, 16, 256 ; relations of, with
Indian women, 16; his verfes, 19;
fupplies Indians with guns, 20;
filence of, on fubjecl:, 21 ; trades in
Maine, 23; vifits Weffaguffet, 24;
number of his neighbors, 25 ; remon-
ftrated with for fale of fire-arms, 25;

3 74

Index.

on proclamations, 26; arrefl of, by
Standith, 27, 282-6 ; efcape of, 28,
283 ; taken to Plymouth, 29, 296 ;
fent to England, 29, 289 ; coft of ar-
refl: of, 30, 302; reaches England,
31 ; not proceeded againft, 35, 303 ;
could have been proceeded againft
in Star Chamber, 35 ; ingratiates
himfelf with Gorges, 36 ; and Aller-
ton, 36, 325; good refults of, 37;
returns to Plymouth, 37, 304; to
Mount Wollafton, 38 ; refufes to
fign agreement, 39, 307 ; difregards
trade regulations, 40, 308 ; an agent
of Gorges, 41; profits of, 41, 308;
attempt to re-arreft, 41, 308 ; re-
arreft of, 43 ; trial and fentence of,
44 ; fent back to England, 45 ; charges
againft him, 46; punifliment of, 46-
8, 311, 312; a warrant for his ar-
refl; from King's Bench, 47, 311 ; a
"libertine," 48; driven away from
Maflachufetts, 49, 336-7; in Exe-
ter jail, 49; allies himfelf to ene-
mies of Maflachufetts Charter, 50;
makes complaint before Privy Coun-
cil, 50 ; gives reafon of failure of
complaint, 54; forwards more com-
plaints, 56; elation of, in 1634, 60;
his letters to William Jeffreys,
61 ; crying as Jonas, 61, 103, 344;
plays on Laud's foibles, 64, 93,
322-34, n., n.\ has Window put
in Fleet prifon, 69 ; Solicitor of
Council for New England, 72 ;
promptnefs of, in legal proceedings,
75 ; on Captain John Mafon, 76;
Cradock on, 77; in pay of Cleaves,
77 ; in difgrace with Gorges, 80 ;
witneffcs Acomenticus charter, 81 ;

ftarved out of England, 83 ; at
Plymouth in 1643,84; pretends to
be a Commonwealth's man, 85 ;
goes to Maine, 85 ; to Rhode
Ifland, 85 ; to Bofton, 86 ; ar-
raigned, 86 ; extraordinary proceed-
ings againft, 87 ; petition of, 88-
90 ; imprifonment, releafe and death
of, 91 ; a man out of place, 92 ; Epif-
copalian defenders of, 92 ; " his
faults," 93 ; oppreflively dealt with
in Maflachufetts, 94; fmall literary
merit of, 95 ; may have met Butler
and Jonfon, 96; fenfe of humor of,
97; ftyleof, 103; at Richmond Ifland,
218; ufes Common Prayer, 260, 311 ;
at Cape Ann, 261 ; at Nut Ifland, 268 ;
date of arrefl, 295 ; references of, to
Winthrop, 310, n., 321; gets game
for fettlers, 321 ; at Salem, 325, ;/. ;
at Canary Iflands, 342; his voyage
to England, 342-5.

Mount Dagon, 32, 278.

Mount Wollafton : why fo called, 1 ;
character and number of fettlers at,
8, 286, 294; defcription and fketch
of, 9-10; view from, 12; location of,
15 ; morals at, 17; May-day feftivities
at, 18 ; a refuge of runaways, 22, 23 ;
within grant to Maflachufetts Com-
pany, 31 ; deftruftion of houfe at, 45 ;
Common Prayer at, 94, 283 ; foun-
tain at, 229 ; monfter at, 282.

Mufkrats, 204; value of fkins of, 205, 11.
defcription of, 210.

Mufcles, 227.

Afteuno/i, 124, n.

Index.

375

Nan weeteo, 148, n.

Nantafket, 24, 25, 30, 325, n., 337, n.

Nanepafhemet, 155.

Naumkeag, 25, 30.

Nebuchadnezzar, 116.

IVecut, 193, n.

Neent, 194, n.

Neptune, 277.

Netherlands, 293.

New Canaan : political fignificance of,
68 ; as a political pamphlet, 68, 322,
n. ; reference to Lake Irocoife in,
78; where written, 78, 233, n. ; re-
ferred to by Bradford, 79 ; lateft re-
vifion of, 79 ; no copies of, get to
New England, 79, 88 ; publication
of, not agreeable to Gorges, 80 ;
referred to by Winthrop, 86 ; ref-
erences to Book of Common Prayer
in, 93; ribaldry of, 94; criticifm of,
95-6 ; referred to in Hudibras, 96 ;
humor in, 97; a connecting link, 98 ;
bibliography of, 99-101 ; titlepages
of, 100; printing of, 102; caufe of
errors in, 103; rules for prefent edi-
tion of, 104.

New England : emigration to, in 1634,
55 ; royal policy towards, 57 ; church
practices in, 69; divifion of, in 1635,
70; commffion for governing, in 1637,
77; location and temperature of,
120-1 ; winds not violent in, 122,
232; plenty of, 175; air of, 177;
beauty of, 180 ; motives of fettlers in,
181 ; no boggy ground in, 22S ; per-
fumed air of, 228, 231-2 ; fuperiority
of, to Virginia, 228, 229, 233, 265 ;
natural waters of, 229; population

of, 230 ; fertility of, 231 ; people of,
never have colds, 232 ; rainfall of,
233 ; coaft and harbors of, ib. ; fe-
cundity of women in, 265 ; univer-
sities vilified in, 282. {See Council
for New England.)
New EngliJJi Canaan. {See New
Canaan?)

New Hampfhire, population of, in 1634,
230, n.

Newburyport: galena found in, 219, n. ;

iilver ore, 220, n.
Newcomein, John, 216-7.
Niagara Falls, 236.
" Nick and Froth," 328, n.
Nilus, 240.
Niobe, 277, 281.
Nipnets, 240, 270.
Nneesnnednna, 193, n.
Noddy, Doctor, 309.
NokeJiick, 175, n.

North Star, the Indian name of, 125, n.
Northweft paffage, intereft in the, in

1632, 118, »., 239.
" Nofes out of joint," 94, 281.
Notes ufed in preaching, 322.
Nourfe, H. S., on Elk in South Lan-

cafter, Mafs., 200, n.
Nowell, Increafe, 305, n.
Nut Ifland, 268.
Nuttall's Ornithology, cited, 194, n.

Oaks in New England, 182.
Oates, Jack, 253, n.
CEdipus, 277, 2S0.
Oil, cod-liver, 222.

"Old Planters," jealoufy of Maffachu-
fetts Company, 38.

376

Index.

Oldham, John, 40 ; at Hull, 24 ; takes
Morton to England, 29-32 ; his prom-
ifes of gain in New England, 32;
his fcheme for trading, 33 ; does not
prefs matters againft Morton, 33, 36;
receives grant from John Gorges,
34; tries to organize expedition, 34;
"a jack in his mood," 40; his treat-
ment at Plymouth, 262-4.

Oliver le Daim, 326.

Om, 124, u.

Ordination. (See Minifters.)

Otters, value of furs of, 205, n., 206.

Ounce, the, 206, n.

Ovid, quoted, 217, 273.

Owls, 195.

Oyfters, 227.

Palfrey, J. G., quoted, 140, ;/., 148, n.

"Pan the Shepherds' God," 124.

Papafiquineo. {See Pafconaway.)

Parkman, Francis, quoted, 16, 17, 136,
n., 140, 71., 145, 71., 158, 71., 166, ;/.,
168, 71., 234, 71.

Partridges, 194.

Pafconaway, the fachem, 150, 71. ; his
tricks and incantations, 151 ; his
daughter's marriage, 154-5.

Pafcopa7i, 124.

Pa/lca7i07itai7i, 124, ;/.

Paffonageffit : defcription of, 9; fignifi-
cation of name, 14, 276; grave at,
defecrated, 247 ; Mafter Bubble at,
267; revels at, 276-82; mine holt,
fachem of, 289. (See Mt. Wollafton.)

Paftors. (See Minifters.)

Patent of Maffachufetts : granted, 31 ;
brought over by Endicott, 305 ; its
cafe, ib.. n.

Paul's Walk, 298, 11.

Pawtucket, 124.

Peabody, W. B. O., referred to, 189,

192.
Peddock, Leonard, 130, n.
Peddock's Ifland, 130, n.
Pemaquid, 244.
Penelope, 281.

Pe7i7iacook, the Bridal of , 155, n.
Peftilence among Indians in 1616-7,

11, 120, 130-4; nature of. 133, 71. ;

Squanto's fraud about, 245.
Phaethon, 293.

Phaos box, 280, 297; explained, 345, 71.
Pharfalia, May's continuation of, quo-
ted, 141, 71.
Pheafants, 194.
Phillips, Rev. George, 326.
Phillips Creek, Weymouth, fite of

Weffaguffet fettlement, 3.
Phlegethon, 314.
Phoebus, 293.
Phyllis 273.
Pike, 227.
Pilchers, 226.

Pillory and whetftone, 300, 71.
Pine-trees, 184.

Pipe-ftaves as merchandife, 182.
Pifcataqua, 30; Hiltons and Thomfon

at, 22, 25, 255, n.
Plague. (See Peftilence.)
Plaice, 226.
Plantations, Foreign, board of Lords

Commiffioners of. (See Lords Com-

miflioners.)
Plato, Indians praclife Commonwealth

of, 177.
"Plough patent" in Maine, 85.
Plymouth, 30; fettlers at, in 1628, 25 ;

Morton carried to, 29; Indians about

Index.

377

deftroyed by peftilence, 133, 11. ; Bil-
lington hanged at, 217, n. ; population
of, in 1634, 230, 11. ; Samofet's ap-
pearance at, 244; treatment of Wef-
ton at, 245-6, 255-7 ; people of, at
Paffonageffit 247, n. ; Morton vifits,
259; cattle at, 260; Lyford and Old-
ham at, 262-4 ; reordination of min-
ifters at, 262; no veffel arrives at, in
June 1628, 289, n. ; Chriftmas at,
294, n. ; Morton arrives again at,
304 ; mini Hers at, 325, n. ; Book of
Common Prayer at, 332, n.

Pocahontas, "a well-featured but wan-
ton young girl," 145, n.

Porcupines, 211.

Portland, Earl of, 60.

Portland Harbor, 221, n.

Potomac, the, 236, 239.

Powahs, Indian, 139, «., 150, «., 152,

71.

Pratt, Phineas, cited, 131, »., 132,
n.

Praying, manner of, 334.

Priapus, 94, 205, 281.

Privy Council: petition to, againft Maf-
fachufetts Company, 51 ; order of,
flopping emigration to New Eng-
land, 56, 333, n.

Proclamations, royal : about fire-arms,
20 ; not law, 26 ; violation of, pun-
ifhable in Star Chamber, 35.

Procruftes, 335.

Proteus, 94, 281.

Purchafe, Mr., cures himfelf of fci-
atica, 207, n.

Purification of women, 331.

Putnam, F. W., 131, n., 227, 11.

Pygmalion, 315.

Pythagoras, 329, n.

Ouackfalver, punifhment of, 299.
Quail, in New England, 194.
Quebec, capture of, by Kirk, 235, 11.
Ouincy : feal of town of, 10 ; flate in,

216, n.
Quo warranto proceedings to fet afide

Maffachufetts Charter, 74, 77, 82, 86.

Rabbits, 204, 211.

Rabelais, 94.

Raccoon, 207.

Rafdall: a partner of Wollafton, 1 ;

follows him to Virginia, 13 ; difhp-

pears,' 15.
Ratcliff, Philip: before Privy Council,

50 ; thought a lunatic, 56 ; promifed

cropping of Winthrop's ears, 62, 64;

called Faircloath, 316, 340; punifh-
ment of, 316-8.
Rattlefnakes, 213 ; antidotes to poifon

of, 213, 214, n.
Rats, 214.
Razor-fhell, 227.
Readings, conjectural, 105.
Red-lead, 219.

Reordination. {See Minifters.)
Reproductions, flavifhnefs of, 104.
Reynolds, Dr. John, 331, n.
Rhadamanthus, 293, 294, 309.
Rhode Ifland, Morton in, 86. *,

Richmond Ifland : Walter Bagnall. at,

200, «., 218, n. ; coins found on, ib. ;

whetflrones at, 217 ; veffels at, 221.
Rigby, Alexander, 84.
Ring, ufe of, in marriage, 331.
Rogers, Mr., preacher at Plymouth,

325, n .

Index.

Running footmen, 329, «.
Rupert, Prince, 83.

Sables, value of, 205, n.

Sal, Ifle of, 116, «., 117, #., 343, n.

Salem : fuffering at, in 1629-30, 42 ;
a doctor made at, 298 ; Dr. Fuller
at, 299 ; Endicott holds a court at,
306 ; ordination of minifters at, 306 ;
Morton at, 306, 325, n. ; church of,
abufed by Ratcliff, 317, n. ; church
of, vilified, 317-8; ufe of Common
Prayer at, 332, n.

Salmon, 224.

Salt: abundance of, in tropics, 117;
ufe of, unknown among Indians,
161, 175, n. ; given to them by Mor-
ton, 161.

Saltonftall, Sir Richard, 43 ; before
Privy Council, 51, 61.

Samofet, 244, n.

Samfon, 281.

Sanaconquam, an Indian god, 167.

Sanderling, 191.

Sandpiper, 191.

Sargent, Profeflbr C. S., 182, n.

Savage, James, cited, 30, n.

Scallops, 227.

Scent, acutenefs of Indian, 166.

Sciatica, cured by raccoon greafe, 207.

Scogan, John, 278 ; choice of, 281.

Scotland : policy of Charles I. breaks
down in, 78 ; troubles of 1638 in, 82.

Scylla, 278, 280.

Sea-ficknefs, 298.

Sequeftration, in New Canaan, 308.

Serat, 204.

Sc/ick, 213.

Shackles : poffibly Afpinwall, 319 ;

whips Faircloath, 320; fed by Mor-
ton, 321 ; burns Morton's houfe, 337.
Shad, 225.

Shakefpeare, William, 98.
Shawmut, 12. [215-20.

Shaler, Profeffor N. S., notes by,
Shell-heaps : at Cotuit, 131, n. ; origin

of, 226, n.
Ships, number of engaged in fifheries,

221.
Shoals, Ifles of, 29, 289, 296, 302.
Shrimpe, Captaine. {See Standifh.)
Silver in New England, 220, n.
Simpes, 191.
Skelton, Rev. Samuel, 39, 300, «.,

325, ;/. ; called Eager, 306.
Slafter, Rev. E. F., quoted, 234, n.
Slate : in Ouincy and Weymouth,

216, 11. ; at Richmond Ifland, 217, n.
Smart, Captain, brings over falcons to

the king, 196, n.
Smelts, 225.
Smith, John, 95; quoted, I, n., 136,

;;., 144, ;/., 147, «., 150, n.
Smith, Ralfe, 325, n.
Snakes, 212.
Snipes, 191.
Socrates, quoted, 327.
Solomon : fayings of, quoted, 119, 127,

228 ; referred to, 184.
Sommers, Will, 253.
South Lancafter, Mafs., elks in, 200, n.
South Sea, 239.
"Sparke," 160.
Sparrow-hawks, 198.
Spruce-trees, 185.
Squanto, 271, ;/. ; made ufe of by

Chickatawbut, 164 ; kidnapped,

244, n.

Index.

379

Squanto's Chappel : chalkftones at,

216; fountain at, 229.
Squantum, 12, 216, 229; flate at, 216,

n.
Squidraket, Sagamore, 218, n.
Squirrels, 2t2.
St. Michaels, 343.
St. Paul's Church, 298.
Stam, Jacob Frederick, 100.
Standifh, Miles : kills Indians at Wef-

faguffet, 1 1 ; fent to arreft Morton,

27 ; threatens to fhoot him, 29, 296 ;

takes offence at Morton, in 1643, 84 ;

at Weffaguffet, 247, «.; Captain

Shrimpe, 285-7, 291, «., 296; a

quondam drummer, 286 ; called

Minos, 291, n.
Star Chamber, court of, 35.
Stenography, 266.
Sterling, Earl of, 70.
Stones, chapter on, 215-20.
Strachey, Edward, quoted, 145, «.,

147, «., 208, «., 210, n., 215, n.
Strafford, Earl of, 60, 74.
Stubbs, his Anatomy of Abufes cited,

18.
Students of Harvard College, whipped,

319, n.
Sturgeon, 223.
Styx, 293, 314.

Swan, the, Wefton's veffel, 257, n.
Swans, 189.
Swift, Lindfay, quoted, 328, n., 335, «.,

345, n.

Tantoquineo, 152.

Tartars, fuppofed defcent of Indians

from, 125.
Taffell gentles, 196-7.

Teal, kinds of, in New England,
190.

Temperwell, Jofhua. (See Winthrop,
John.)

Thomfon, David : at Pifcataqua, 24 ;
moves to Bofton Bay, 24 ; on origin
of Indians, 128 ; authorities concern-
ing, 128.

"Thorough," Gorges policy, the New
England branch of, 60, 74.

Tin, in New England, 220.

Titta, 148.

Tithes, 333.

Tornadoes, 217.

Trade with Indians, liquor the life of,
20, 174. (See Fire-arms.)

Trade : profits of in New England, 32;
regulations of Maffachufetts Com-
pany, 39; difregarded by Morton,
40, 306, 308.

Trade-winds, effect of, 118.

Traps, to take deer, 202.

Trees : effect of burning underbrufh on,
172; where to look for large, 172;
of New England, 182-7.

Triton, 281.

Trojans, fuppofed defcent of Indians
from the, 126-7, I29-

Trout, 227.

Trumbull, J. Hammond : on name of
Paffonageffit, 14; notes by, on In-
dian words, 123, 124, 137, 148, 160,
167, 229 ; his notes to Plai)ie Deal-
ing referred to, 322-34.

Turbot, 225.

Turkeys: garments made of feathers
of, 142, 144, 11. ; hunted by Indians,
162; wild, in New England, 192.

Turtledoves, 180.

Tuttle, C. W., 238, n.

38o

Index.

Univerfities, vilified in New England,

281-2.
Uttaquatock, 216.

Venice, 281.

Venus, 265, 315, 345.

Vermilion, 219.

Virgil, quoted, 217, 260, 345.

Virginia: prices of furs in, in 1650, 205,
11. ; wolves in, 208, u. ; corn not
planted in, 225 ; inferiority of, to
New England, 228, 229, u., 233,
265 ; the '-barren doe" of, 264, 276 ;
population of, 265 ; execution in,
342-

Walnut, the, 183.

Wampum, 157-9, 301.

Wampumpeack. (See Wampum.)

Warham, Rev. John, 322, n., 325, n.

Warwick, Earl of, had no influence at
Court, 52.

Wafhburne, John, 305, 11.

Walford, Thomas : moves from Wefla-
guffet to Mifhawum, 24 ; an Epif-
copalian, 94.

Weflaguflet : plantations at, 2, 246 ;
Robert Gorges at, 3 ; difperfion of
his fettlement, 4 ; Indians killed at,
by Standi fh, II, 247, n. ; locality
of, 12 ; reparation of fettlers at, in
1628, 24; Morton arretted at, 27, 282,
290, n. ; Epifcopalians, 95 ; thofe
dwelling at, 162, n. ; mufcle-bank at,
227 ; fkirmifli at, 247 ; the hanging
at, 249-51 ; fettlers killed at, 253-

4 ; Lyford at, 264 ; Morton at, in
winter, 268; Indians compound theft
at, 269 ; bring Bubble's things to,
271. (See Weymouth.)

Wefton, Andrew : comes to New Eng-
land in Charity, 7; takes an Indian
boy back to England, 130, n. ; date
of his voyage, 130, n.

Wefton, Thomas : eftablifhes a planta-
tion at Weffaguffet, 2 ; account of,
245-6; his men killed by Indians,
252 ; comes to New England, 255-7 ;
treatment of, 257-9, 261.

Wethercock, Mr., 337, 342-3.

Weymouth, 2 ; flate and limeftone in,
216, //. (See Weffaguffet.)

Whetflones, 124, 216; at Richmond
Ifland, 217; punifhment of pillory
and, 299, n. (See Cos.)

Whipping-poll, 274, 319, n.

White, William and Sufannah, 330, n.

Whitney, Profeffor J. D., on Ifle of
Sal and poifonous fifli, 116.

Whitney, George, quoted, 101.

Whittier, J. G., 155, n.

Widgeon, 191.

Widow, the, 323. (See Deaconefs.)

Wiggin, Thomas : cited in regard to
Morton, 5 ; before Privy Council,
52 ; quoted, 320, n.

Wigwams, defcribed, 134-8.

Wildrake, 92.

Williams, Edward, quoted, 182, n.

Williams, Roger, quoted, 16, 17, 124,
«., 125, n., I36» »•» J37, #•, H^>, «•,
149, «., 158, «., I59> »•» l68' *-i T7T»
n., 194, »., 202, «., 207, «., 221, ».,

232, n.

Willis, William, 218, n.
Wilfon, Rev. John, 325, n.

Index.

381

Winnifimmet, 25, 30, »., 300, »., 301 ;
origin of name of, 229, n. ; fountain
at, 229, 265.

Winnepurkitt, the marriage of, 155.

Window, Governor Edward, 95 ;
quoted, 16, 125, n., 140, «., 145, n.,
149, n. ; fent to England in 1634,
64 ; fails, 65 ; reaches London, 67 ;
petitions Lords Commiffioners, 68 ;
put in Fleet prifon, 69, 322, n. ;
defcribes Morton at Plymouth in
1648, 84 ; goes on miffion to Mafia-
foit, 136, n. ; marriage of, 330, ;/.

Winfor, Juftin, 99.

Winthrop, Governor John, 43, 81, 95 ;
arrival of, in New England, 42, 310 ;
impofes fentence on Morton, 44, 31 1 ;
has warrant for Morton's arreft, 47,
311 ; criticifm of, on complaint to
Privy Council, 50 ; rejoices over
failure of complaint, 53 ; " King
Winthrop," 63 ; receives letter of
Morton to Jeffreys, 65 ; Gorges re-
fers to patience of, 80 ; excufes not
fending out charter in 1638, 83
on arreft of Morton in 1644, 86
quoted, 9r, 150, n., 218, n., 230, n.
abfence of humor in, 98; courfe
towards Bagnall, 218, n.\ called
Jofhua, 301 ; referred to as Tem-
perwell, 302, 310, 314, 318, 320, 335,
340; degrades gentry, 313; has
Ratcliff whipped, 320 ; refponfible
for wants of fettlement, 321 ; upon
civil marriages, 330, n. ; on Book of
Common Prayer, 332, n.\ methods
of, as judge, 334-6 ; courfe towards
Sir C. Gardiner, 340.

"Without, them that are," 316, 321,
332.

Woburn : galena found in, 219; lilver
ore, 220, n.

Wollafton, fadls concerning name of,
1, n. {See Mount Wollafton.)

Wollafton, Captain: fettles at Maffa-
chufetts, 1 ; compofition of his com-
pany, 4; leaves Maffachufetts, 12;
fells his fervants in Virginia, 13 ;
tradition as to death of, 15.

Wolves : deer perfecuted by, 203 ;
black, value of furs of, 207, n.,
209 ; defcription of, 208-9.

Wonder- Working Providence, quoted,
94, 300, n.

Wood, William, 217.

Woodcock, 191, n.

Woodman, "Auld," 216.

Wood's Profpecl : quoted, 16, 95, 129,
137, «., 138, «., 139, n., 140, «., 143,
n., 150, 11., 160, n., 168, »., 184, ;/.,
186, «., 189, #., 191, n., 192, ;/., 198,
71., 200, 11., 206, 71., 208, ;/., 210, n.,
213, «., 223, ft., 224, 71., 230, n., 238,
71. ; referred to, 139, 141, 154, 172,

l82, 71., 184, 71., 200, 71., 217, 221, 71.,

233 ; when written, 233.
Worcefter : black-lead found in, 219,

71. ; country of Nipnets, 240, 71.
Wotaivqne7iange, 254.
Wrentham, black-lead found in, 219, 71.
Wrington, Samuel Fuller born in, 298.
Wu7ia7iu7natt, 123.

York, Archbifliop of, 60.

York, Maine. (See Acomenticus.)

Zones, the : New England, how placed
in, 115-22; Ariftotle's theory of, 117.

Council of tl)e prince ^ocittv.

1883.

EDMUND F. SLAFTER.

JOHN WARD DEAN.

WILLIAM B. TRASK.

CHARLES H. BELL.

JOHN MARSHALL BROWN.

HENRY W. FOOTE.

DAVID GREENE HASKINS, Jr.

ELBRIDGE H. GOSS.

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